"Americans work harder than the people of any other wealthy nation. We are willing to tolerate more economic instability and are willing to take more personal risks to get ahead. But we can only compete if our government makes the investments that give us a fighting chance -- and if we know our families have some net beneath which they cannot fall."
-- Barack Obama, "The Audacity of Hope"
The Obama-Biden Plan
As a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago, Barack Obama learned firsthand that urban poverty is more than just a function of not having enough in your pocketbook. It's also a matter of where you live -- in some of our inner-city neighborhoods, poverty is difficult to escape because it's isolating and it's everywhere. Our job across America is to create communities of choice, not of destiny, and create conditions for neighborhoods where the odds are not stacked against the people who live there. Barack Obama will lead a new federal approach to America's high-poverty areas, an approach that facilitates the economic integration of families and communities with efforts to support the current low-income residents of those areas.
Strengthen Federal Commitment to our Cities
Create a White House Office on Urban Policy: Obama and Biden will create a White House Office of Urban Policy to develop a strategy for metropolitan America and to ensure that all federal dollars targeted to urban areas are effectively spent on the highest-impact programs. The Director of Urban Policy will report directly to the president and coordinate all federal urban programs.
Fully Fund the Community Development Block Grant: In the long run, regions are only as strong as their people and neighborhoods. The Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program is an important program that provides housing and creates jobs primarily for low- and moderate-income people and places. Barack Obama will restore funding for the CDBG program.
Do No Harm: Barack Obama and Joe Biden do not support imposing unfunded mandates on states and localities. They strongly support providing necessary funding for programs such as No Child Left Behind.
Stimulate Economic Prosperity in our Metropolitan Regions
Support Regional Innovation Clusters: Thriving innovation clusters across the country like the North Carolina Research Triangle Park and Nashville's thriving entertainment cluster prove that local stakeholders can successfully come together and help reshape their local economies. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will create a federal program to support "innovation clusters" -- regional centers of innovation and next-generation industries. This innovation clusters program will provide $200 million in planning and matching grants for regional business, government, and university leaders to collaborate on leveraging a region's existing assets -- from transportation infrastructure to universities -- to enhance long-term regional growth.
Support Job Creation: The federal government has a role to play to ensure that every American is able to work at his or her highest capacity. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will double federal funding for basic research, expand the deployment of broadband technology and make the research and development tax credit permanent so that businesses can invest in innovation and create high-paying, secure jobs.
Enhance Workforce Training: Obama and Biden will make long-term investments in education, language training, and workforce development so that Americans can leverage our strengths -- our ingenuity and entrepreneurialism -- to create new high-wage jobs and prosper in a global economy. A critical part of this process is ensuring that we reauthorize the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) and ensure that it strengthens federal investments needed for success in the 21st Century.
Increase Access to Capital for Underserved Businesses: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will strengthen Small Business Administration programs that provide capital to women and minority-owned businesses, support outreach programs that help business owners apply for loans, and work to encourage the growth and capacity of these firms. They will also strengthen Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIs), which are engaged in innovative methods to provide capital to urban businesses.
Create a National Network of Public-Private Business Incubators: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will support entrepreneurship and spur job growth by creating a national network of public-private business incubators, which facilitate the critical work of entrepreneurs in creating start-up companies. They will invest $250 million per year to increase the number and size of incubators in urban communities throughout the country.
Convert our Manufacturing Centers into Clean Technology Leaders: America boasts the highest-skilled manufacturing workforce in the world and advanced manufacturing facilities that have powered economic growth in America for decades. Barack Obama and Joe Biden believe that America is at a competitive advantage when it comes to building the high-demand technologies of the future, and they will help nurture America's success in clean technology manufacturing by establishing a federal investment program to help manufacturing centers modernize.
Strengthen Core Infrastructure: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will make strengthening our transportation systems, including our roads and bridges, a top priority. As part of this effort, Obama and Biden will create a National Infrastructure Reinvestment Bank to expand and enhance, not supplant, existing federal transportation investments. These projects will directly and indirectly create up to two million new jobs per year and stimulate approximately $35 billion per year in new economic activity.
Improve Access to Jobs: America's families and businesses depend upon workers having reasonable access to their places of employment. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will double the federal Jobs Access and Reverse Commute (JARC) program to ensure that additional federal public transportation dollars flow to the highest-need communities and that urban planning initiatives take this aspect of transportation policy into account. The Obama-Biden urban agenda will also help facilitate the creation of new jobs in underserved economic areas, so more low-income urban residents can find employment within their home communities.
Invest in a Skilled Clean Technologies Workforce: Obama and Biden will increase funding for federal workforce training programs and direct these programs to incorporate green technologies training, such as advanced manufacturing and weatherization training, into their efforts to help Americans find and retain stable jobs. Obama and Biden will also create an energy-focused youth jobs program to invest in disconnected and disadvantaged youth.
Housing
Lower Interest Payments by Creating a New Mortgage Interest Tax Credit: Many middle class Americans do not receive the existing mortgage interest tax deduction because they do not itemize their taxes. Obama and Biden will ensure that middle-class Americans get the financial assistance they need to purchase or keep their own home by creating a 10 percent universal mortgage credit that gives tax relief to 10 million Americans who have a home mortgage.
Increase the Supply of Affordable Housing throughout Metropolitan Regions: Communities prosper when all families have access to affordable housing. Barack Obama and Joe Biden supported efforts to create an Affordable Housing Trust Fund to create thousands of new units of affordable housing every year. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will also restore cuts to public housing operating subsidies, and ensure that all Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) programs are restored to their original purpose.
Poverty
Establish 'Promise Neighborhoods' for Areas of Concentrated Poverty: Successful strategies to address concentrated, intergenerational poverty are comprehensive in nature and address the full range of obstacles that stand in the way of poor children. One highly-acclaimed model is the Harlem Children's Zone in New York City, which provides a full network of services to an entire neighborhood from birth to college. Obama and Biden will create 20 Promise Neighborhoods in cities that have high levels of poverty and crime and low levels of student academic achievement.
Increase the Minimum Wage: As president, Obama will raise the minimum wage to $9.50 an hour by 2011 and index it to inflation so full-time workers can earn a living wage that allows them to raise their families and pay for basic needs such as food, transportation, and housing -- things so many people take for granted.
Expand the Earned Income Tax Credit: In the Illinois State Senate, Obama led the successful effort to create the $100 million Illinois Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). As president, Obama will reward work by increasing the number of working parents eligible for EITC benefits, increasing the benefit available to noncustodial parents who support their children through child support payments, increasing the benefit for families with three or more children, and reducing the EITC marriage penalty which hurts low-income families.
Help Low-Income Workers Enter the Job Market: As president, Obama will invest $1 billion over five years in transitional jobs and career pathways programs that implement proven methods of helping low-income Americans succeed in the workforce. This investment will be coupled with other measures to encourage the private sector and state and local governments to increase their support of these effective employment programs.
Livability of Cities
Build More Livable and Sustainable Communities: Our communities will better serve all of their residents if we are able to leave our cars to walk, bicycle and access other transportation alternatives. As president, Barack Obama will re-evaluate the transportation funding process to ensure that smart growth considerations are taken into account.
Control Superfund Sites and Data: Obama and Biden will restore the strength of the Superfund program by requiring polluters to pay for the cleanup of contaminated sites they created.
Use Innovative Measures to Dramatically Improve Efficiency of Buildings: Buildings account for nearly 40 percent of carbon emissions in the United States today and carbon emissions from buildings are expected to grow faster than emissions from other major parts of our economy. It is expected that 15 million new buildings will be constructed between today and 2015. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will work with cities so that we make our new and existing buildings more efficient consumers of electricity.
Foster Healthy Communities: How a community is designed -- including the layout of its roads, buildings and parks -- has a huge impact on the health of its residents. For instance, nearly one-third of Americans live in neighborhoods without sidewalks and less than half of our country's children have a playground within walking distance of their homes. Barack Obama introduced the Healthy Places Act to help local governments assess the health impact of new policies and projects, like highways or shopping centers.
Urban Education
Support Teachers in Urban Schools: Barack Obama and Joe Biden value teachers and the central role that they play in education. To ensure competent, effective teachers in schools that are organized for success, the Obama-Biden K-12 plan will expand service scholarships to underwrite high-quality preparation for teachers who commit to working in underserved districts and support ongoing improvements in teacher education.
Expand Early Childhood Education: Obama and Biden's comprehensive "Zero to Five" plan will provide support to young children and their parents by investing $10 billion per year to create Early Learning Challenge Grants to stimulate and help fund state "zero to five" efforts; quadruple the number of children eligible for Early Head Start, increase Head Start funding, and improve the quality of both; work to ensure all children have access to pre-school; and create a Presidential Early Learning Council to increase collaboration and coordination across federal, state, and local programs.
Reduce the High School Dropout Rate: The warning signs for high school dropouts often occur well before high school. Obama will sign into law his Success in the Middle Act to improve the education of middle school students in low-performing schools. Obama and Biden will also establish a competitive grant process for entities pursuing evidence-based models that have been proven to reduce dropouts.
Crime and Law Enforcement
Support Local Law Enforcement: Barack Obama and Joe Biden are committed to fully funding the COPS program to put 50,000 police officers on the street and help address police brutality and accountability issues in local communities. Obama and Biden also support efforts to encourage young people to enter the law enforcement profession, so that our local police departments are not understaffed because of a dearth of qualified applicants.
Reduce Crime Recidivism by Providing Ex-Offender Supports: America is facing an incarceration and post-incarceration crisis in urban communities. Obama and Biden will create a prison-to-work incentive program, modeled on the successful Welfare-to-Work Partnership, and work to reform correctional systems to break down barriers for ex-offenders to find employment.
End the Dangerous Cycle of Youth Violence: Obama and Biden support innovative local programs, like the CeaseFire program in Chicago, which implement a community-based strategy to prevent youth violence and have been proven effective.
Address Gun Violence in Cities: Obama and Biden would repeal the Tiahrt Amendment, which restricts the ability of local law enforcement to access important gun trace information, and give police officers across the nation the tools they need to solve gun crimes and fight the illegal arms trade. Obama and Biden also favor commonsense measures that respect the Second Amendment rights of gun owners, while keeping guns away from children and from criminals. They support closing the gun show loophole and making guns in this country childproof. They also support making the expired federal Assault Weapons Ban permanent.
Homeland Security
Allocate Funds Based on Risk: Barack Obama and Joe Biden believe that the president and Congress should direct our precious homeland security dollars according to risk, not as a form of general revenue sharing. To address this pressing issue, Obama introduced an amendment, supported by the Families of 9/11 and former 9/11 Commissioners Lee Hamilton and Tim Roemer, to increase risk-based funding in the 9/11 bill.
Prepare Effective Emergency Response Plans: As our nation witnessed in the Hurricane Katrina crisis and its aftermath, too many localities do not have integrated emergency response plans to handle disasters. As president, Obama will further improve coordination between all levels of government, create better evacuation plan guidelines, ensure prompt federal assistance to emergency zones, and increase medical surge capacity.
Improve Interoperable Communications Systems: Barack Obama and Joe Biden support efforts to provide greater technical assistance to local and state first responders and dramatically increase funding for reliable, interoperable communications systems.
Safeguard Mass Public Transportation: Every weekday, Americans take 34 million trips on public transportation systems to get to work, school and beyond. Obama and Biden will fight for greater information-sharing between national intelligence agents and local officials and provide local law enforcement agencies with the everyday tools they need to protect their transportation systems.
Families
Provide a Tax Cut for Working Families: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will restore fairness to the tax code and provide 150 million workers the tax relief they deserve. They will create a new "Making Work Pay" tax credit of up to $500 per person, or $1,000 per working family.
Strengthening Fatherhood and Families: As president, Obama will sign his Responsible Fatherhood and Healthy Families Act into law to remove some of the government penalties on married families, crack down on men avoiding child support payments, ensure that support payments go to families instead of state bureaucracies, fund support services for fathers and their families, and support domestic violence prevention efforts.
Support Parents with Young Children: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will expand the highly successful Nurse-Family Partnership to all low-income, first-time mothers. The Nurse-Family Partnership provides home visits by trained registered nurses to low-income expectant mothers and their families. Researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis concluded that these programs produced an average of five dollars in savings for every dollar invested and produced more than $28,000 in net savings for every high-risk family enrolled in the program.
Expand High-Quality Afterschool Opportunities: Barack Obama and Joe Biden will double funding for the main federal support for afterschool programs, the 21st Century Learning Centers program, to serve one million more children.
Expand the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit: The Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit provides too little relief to families that struggle to afford child care expenses. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will reform the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit by making it refundable and allowing low-income families to receive up to a 50 percent credit for their child care expenses.
Cap Outlandish Interest Rates on Payday Loans and Improve Disclosure: In the wake of reports that some service members were paying 800 percent interest on payday loans, the U.S. Congress took bipartisan action to limit interest rates charged to service members to 36 percent. Barack Obama and Joe Biden believe that we must extend this protection to all Americans, because predatory lending continues to be a major problem for low and middle income families alike.
Encourage Responsible Lending Institutions to Make Small Consumer Loans: Some mainstream, responsible lending institutions are beginning to enter the short-term lending market to provide many Americans with fair alternatives to predatory lending institutions. Barack Obama and Joe Biden will work with his Secretary of the Treasury and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation to encourage banks, credit unions and Community Development Financial Institutions to provide affordable short-term and small dollar loans -- and to drive the sharks out of business.
A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” – Amendment II
www.parighttobeararms.###I'm writing to you because I believe you share my goal of protecting and preserving our constitutional rights. While some of those rights are well understood and cherished by all Americans, one is under constant attack: the right to bear arms. I'm Michael Ruoss, Sr., a life long resident of Chester County, Pennsylvania and the founder of PA Right To Bear Arms
I am passionate about my support for the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution and my understanding of our forefeathers' reasoning for including it in the express rights given to all citizens. While that reasoning today is as valid, if not more so, than it was over 200 years ago, there is less knowledge about the history of and right conferred in the Second Amendment. I've made it my personal priority to share this information at every opportunity, particularly at fairs, shows parades and other community gatherings.
When I started the PA Right to Bear Arms website two years ago. I wanted to make a place where fellow citizens could find support, encouragement and education on the Second Amendment . If for no other reason than the growing rate of crime in our country, I feel we should have the right to protect ourselves as our forefathers stated in this historical document.
I know first hand that regardless of how diligent police may be, it is impossible to fully protect every citizen at every moment. I was raised in a law enforcement family. My grandfather, Vernon T. Ruoss, my father, Vernon C. Ruoss and myself were Constables in Chester County , Pennsylvania. My Grandfather was also the Fire Police Captain for Longwood Fire Company, Pennsylvania. My Father was a local Police Officer in three Pennsylvania communities. He was the first Dispatcher for Chester County Police Radio. My older brother, Richard Ruoss, was also a Police Officer in our hometown and currently is Assistant Chief for Kennett Fire Company. I was an active member of that fire company for over 25 years. I also was a constable for Kennett Square in Chester County , PA, serving 6 years in my community. Along with that I have 29 years of Security Guard work experience.
I do not condone nor suggest citizens break any current firearm laws. Proper education on gun safety and the need to require the legal permits to carry firearms are encouraged on the website. Firearm training courses are also highly recommended and scheduled on the site. The site does not support the illegal use , ownership and sales of firearms.
Apart from self defense, many Pennsylvania residents rely on hunting for food or sport. I feel strongly that should Pennsylvanians should be able to hunt for whatever reason they choose without hesitation that their right to do so is ever in question. In order for that to be possible, hunters must be confident in their knowledge of, and compliance with all associated laws and licensing requirements. Therefore I support the hunter safety program that Pennsylvania offers to its residents. It's a wonderful source of education for hunters of all ages.
I am currently in the process of looking for a small bus/box truck to turn into a traveling learning center. The plan is to have a comfortable place for people to visit and learn about their rights under the Second Amendment. Brochures, documents and videos will be available onboard as well as answers to individual questions through casual conversation with a knowledgeable individual (usually me).
The exterior of the vehicle will serve a traveling billboard to highlight the Second Amendment and the pride of being an American. One side of the bus will be reserved for the promotion of the individuals and businesses that have supported my efforts.
I'm reaching out to you in the hopes that you share my passion and may be able to help me spread the word. Currently I'm in need of donations to underwrite the cost of obtaining and outfitting the bus. All deductions are tax deductible (If they are MIke-- if not, strike that sentence.) Further, if you are already involved in promoting the Second Amendment, we'd appreciate any handouts you may have that we can use on our traveling learning center. Brochures, pamphlets and all promotional material will be welcomed.
In the last few years I've concentrated on the internet and radio to reach those already involved in Second Amendment projects and issues, as well as the large part of the populous either unaware of, or misinformed about, their Second Amendment rights.
My website, www.PARightToBearArms.com, has over (insert how many) visitors monthly. I've been featured in Pennsylvania Shooting News, the official publication of the Pennsylvania Rifle and Pistol Association, interviewed by Jim Johnson in the September/October 2008 issue (still online at www.pennarifleandpistol.org).
I also have support from Rollye James who does a radio show on XM Satellite Radio (
www.rollye.net). She believes nothing is Constitutionally more important than fighting for the Second Amendment. It was her show that I heard Steve Bryant's song parodies. I was familiar with his name from being a host on the home shopping network, QVC, but did not realize he had written numerous songs on current events.
I approached Steve about writing a song pertaining to the Second Amendment and was pleased to learn it was a topic very important to him. Despite previous attempts, he had not been able to capture the spirit of the issue. After my call, he decided to tackle it again. I feel he has come up with the perfect song in "The Right To Bear Arms". He recorded it on Music Row in Nashville and not only has the public's reaction been tremendous, but there is also some interest in recording it by a few well known country artists. You can listen to Steve's song on www.PARightToBearArms.com and on www.SteveBryant.tv which also features Steve's other work.
I greatly appreciate your time and interest in this community project. Any donation you may provide will be utilized fully to promote the Second Amendment here in Pennsylvania and your role in helping us do that. Any suggestions on how we can better spread the word are also most welcome!
9mm vs .45ACP: Really? Again? By: Frank Borelli 11 May 2010
Yes, again. Amongst avid handgun fans the debate between big and slow versus small and fast stretches back over a hundred years now I'd guess. Next year marks the 100 year anniversary of the Government Model 1911 .45ACP having been adopted by the U.S. Military (even though it existed in 1904) and the 9mm is even older than that. What makes the debate relatively new (and hopefully interesting) is the addition of what I call "compromise calibers". There are a couple in between the maximum ends of the debate and recently that has been thrust into my consideration almost against my will.
What I refer to as Compromise Calibers includes anything that is between the 9mm and the .45ACP is size (10mm, .40S&W, etc) or a production caliber (as compared to a custom-only wildcat cartridge) that changes the basics of either such as the .357Sig or the .45GAP. Arguably the first compromise caliber (in a pistol) was the 10mm presented in the early 1970s, but before we get into that, let's talk a bit about the compromise being made.
Way back when the U.S. Military discovered that the .38 caliber bullets they were firing from their revolvers were not delivering incapacitating injuries to the enemy. That's not to say that the injuries weren't fatal - just not immediately so. Of course, 100 years later we have thoroughly documented (now) that an injury isn't immediately fatal unless it hits the Central Nervous System (brain or spinal cord) and even then, if it's a spinal cord shot it may only be incapacitating, not immediately lethal. That's why our bullet designs and caliber / velocity pairings focus on doing as much damage as possible to large blood-bearing vessels and organs so as to cause the enemy to bleed as much as possible as fast as possible to shut down their system. In other words, we cause injuries that make them bleed to death (or close to it).
Now, I know that police officers and deputy sheriffs and every other variant of law enforcement professional in the country today doesn't shoot suspects with the intent of killing them (and if you did, you'd be a fool to admit it). Instead, you deliver shots to the center mass of the suspect when justified in an attempt to incapacitate them as quickly as possible thereby stopping the threat to you, your partner and all bystanders in the area. That's your job. Writing for soldiers can often be easier: soldiers kill the enemy. That's what they do. "Overkill" is a political term of concern. Screw that. I used an AT-4 to stop that enemy truck? Yeah? The problem is? My booby-trap had two grenades instead of one which would have been sufficient? What's your point? You get the message. Law enforcement has to be far more careful about what they write and say. That means that the people who design ammo and weapons also have to be careful what they say in sales pitches.
Keep all of that in mind as we discuss a few compromise calibers, focusing down on one, and the pros / cons to be had.
From left to right the .45ACP, .40S&W, and 9mm. Does it really matter which one you get shot with? or would you prefer no bullet hole at all? small, medium or large?
So the compromise is a balance sought between carrying as many rounds as we comfortably can of a caliber that will do sufficient damage to the enemy or suspect when necessary and deliverable from a firearm that can be conveniently worn or carried. Agreed? Cool.
As we've identified the 9mm and the .45ACP as the genesis of this debate if you will, let's talk about them briefly. Both created before 1900 and both packaged in relatively concealable carry packages (i.e. the Browning High Power or the Government Model 1911), they offer a choice:
Do I want to carry more rounds of a smaller caliber bullet that exists the barrel faster? or do I want to carry fewer rounds of a larger caliber bullet that exists the barrel slower?
Remembering Einstein's formula of E equals M times C-squared, we have to admit that the smaller faster bullet can deliver an equal amount of energy as the bigger slower bullet. In fact, if engineered precisely, they could deliver an exactly identical amount of energy. But is it all about energy? We all already know it's not. As we said earlier, when stopping the aggressive action of the opponent, the goal - short of a central nervous system (CNS) hit - must be to cause sufficient damage to create a quick drop in their blood volume so that they drop.
Simple logic - with a focus on simple - would dictate that a bigger bullet makes a bigger hole and therefore does more damage. The challenge with that simple logic is that terminal ballistics have proven less predictable than we originally thought they would be. Bullets traveling faster than 1,000 feet person second do some strange and unexpected things upon impacting flesh. Hollow point, jacketed bullets sometimes don't expand as they are designed to do; other fragment for no observable reason. In other words, quite often our high-tech science does little more than allow us to take a good guess at what the bullets will do. In field terms we call this a "WAG" or Wild Ass Guess. In more specific and technical terms we call it a "SWAG" or scientific wild ass guess.
Past history shows us that people can die from being shot with a .22lr bullet. Countless hundreds of thousands have been killed by .223 / 5.56mm bullets. Velocity certainly plays a part along with multiple round delivery. There was a time when we had to separate the arguments between rifle calibers and handgun calibers, but with some effective rifle cartridges now packaged in handguns (i.e. the FN 5.7mm) the lines get more blurry than ever.
As we said earlier, the debate has long primarily been between 9mm (or equivalent such as .38) caliber weapons and .45ACP weapons. In common handguns today, if we're arguing capacity then the argument is small. For instance the Glock Model 17 holds 18 rounds of 9mm (17 in the magazine plus one in the chamber). The Glock 21 holds 14 rounds of .45ACP (13 +1). Is the debate really going to rage over FOUR rounds of capacity? If you are a fan of the .45ACP but want a higher capacity and so you switch to the 9mm to gain FOUR rounds, don't you think you should probably re-assess your shooting skills?
For decades the U.S. military found eight rounds (7+1) of .45ACP in a Government Model 1911 pistol sufficient. For most of those decades law enforcement found 6 rounds of .38 in a revolver sufficient. With two magazines for backup in the 1911 you had a total of 22 rounds of .45ACP. With two speedloaders for your .38 you had a total of 18 rounds. Certainly there were instances of officers and soldiers feeling under-gunned or citing examples of how those weapons and/or cartridges failed. There are also hundreds of stories about how well those weapons and calibers performed. 1985 changed it all. The debate wasn't settled but it was certainly quieted when the U.S. Military adopted the Beretta M9 9mm pistol with its 15+1 capacity. Adopted by the military and picked up by law enforcement agencies across the nation, the Beretta M9 or the civilian variant Beretta 92F seemed to silence the 9mm vs .45ACP debate. Maybe...
But there were still plenty of people out there who weren't confident that shooting someone with a 9mm round would provide sufficient immediate (or as close as possible) incapacitation. Other options were sought. That same year the .40S&W was born. Evolving out of the 10mm as the load was developed and changed in accordance with FBI requirements, the .40S&W cartridge ended up the same overall length as a typical 9mm Parabellum round. Since .40 and 10mm equal, the difference in diameter was only 1mm. Could it really make a difference? Apparently so. People and law enforcement agencies flocked to the .40 in untold numbers. In some pistols the change from a 9mm to a .40S&W caliber design didn't mean huge scrifices in capacity. Again, the Glock 17 9mm with its 18 round total capacity was compared to the Glock 22 .40S&W with its 16 round total capacity. Would those two rounds really matter? Many said no.
Then came compact and sub-compact models of .40S&W pistols. My latest venture into this arena is the Beretta 96F Centurion with its 11 round total capacity. The shorter slide, barrel and frame as compared to the Beretta 96F make the 96F Centurion easier to carry and conceal. However, since it's a .40 caliber weapon I hardly feel like I'm carrying a "mouse gun".
It's my opinion that the .40S&W is the ultimate compromise cartridge. It's small enough in diameter to load plenty of rounds into double-stack magazines, but it breaks that psychologically meaningful barrier of a caliber that starts with a "4" instead of a "3" or anything equivalent. That said, now I have to select between my carry guns from amongst my:
Glock Model 19 with its 15+1 9mm capacity, or
Beretta 96F Centurion with its 10+1 .40S&W capacity, or
Springfield Armory 1911 with its 8+1 .45ACP capacity.
The difference between the 9mm (16 rounds total) and the .40S&W (11 rounds total) is the most extreme. The difference between the .4S&W (11) and the .45ACP (9) doesn't really seem worth arguing about, does it? Then my thought is this...
Is it really worth arguing in the first place? Probably not. If you're a fan of and comfortable with the .45ACP weapons, carry one. If you prefer and are comfortable with the 9mm, carry that. If you like the .40 because it makes you feel like you've solved a difficult conundrum, then carry it.
Me? I still make a choice every day based on how I'm dressing and where I'm going. Variety is good. Don't pick just one. Have one of each available and make your choice as each set of circumstances looms.
John Pierce has been wearing his loaded Glock nine-millimetre on his right hip "anywhere and everywhere" for most of his life, including his twice weekly trips to his local Starbucks in Minnesota.
Mr. Pierce is just one of many gun-toting customers who has placed American Starbucks stores at the centre of a battle over carrying guns in public.
Despite Starbucks' wish that it would rather stay out of this "divisive issue," the company's policy to let customers openly carry weapons in their stores where the law allows it has prompted outrage from the anti-gun lobby.
Starbucks has defended its position by saying it is merely complying with the law.
"We comply with local laws and statutes in all the communities we serve. In this case 43 of the 50 U.S. states have open carry weapon laws," Starbucks said in a press release. "Where these laws don't exist, we comply with laws that prohibit the open carrying of weapons.
"The political, policy and legal debates around these issues belong in the legislatures and courts, not in our stores. Were we to adopt a policy different from local laws allowing open carry, we would be forced to require our partners to ask law-abiding customers to leave our stores, putting our partners in an unfair and potentially unsafe position."
Brian Malte, with the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, an American gun-control group, calls Starbucks' position "a bit of a cop-out." Mr. Malte's organisation recently presented Starbucks with over 28,000 signatures on a petition asking them to reverse their decision.
He accused the American pro-open carry movement of wanting to "normalize abnormal behaviour," in their carrying of firearms publicly. Mr. Malte said that for Starbucks to stop serving customers openly carrying firearms would only be the same as denying service to somebody without shoes or a shirt.
Mr. Pierce, the co-founder and spokesman for Open- Carry.org,said he felt Starbucks had acted in a manner appropriate for a publicly traded company. "What Starbucks has done here is taken a neutral position," said Mr. Pierce.
'Right To Bear Arms' Means Just That
Posted 03/03/2010 07:01 PM ET
Otis McDonald, 76, stands before the Supreme Court, which Tuesday heard arguments in his suit to overturn Chicago's handgun ban. AP View Enlarged Image
Gun Rights: Otis McDonald, 76, an Army vet who lives in a high-crime area of Chicago, thinks the Constitution gives him the right to bear arms to protect himself and his wife as he protected his country. We think so too.
On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard arguments on behalf of four Chicago residents led by homeowner McDonald, the Second Amendment Foundation and the Illinois State Rifle Association to overturn Chicago's three-decade-old ban on owning handguns.
In a 5-4 decision in 2008, Heller v. District of Columbia, written by Justice Antonin Scalia, the Supreme Court overturned the District of Columbia's draconian, 32-year-old ban on the private ownership of handguns. Scalia wrote that an individual right to bear arms is supported by "the historical narrative" before and after the Second Amendment was adopted.
The joy of Second Amendment defenders was short-lived. A three-judge panel of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals, led by Judge Frank Easterbrook, rejected subsequent suits brought by the National Rifle Association against the city of Chicago and its suburb of Oak Park, Ill.
According to Easterbrook, the Revolution was fought and independence won so that the Founding Fathers could write a Constitution with a Bill of Rights that applied only to the District of Columbia.
"Heller dealt with a law enacted under the authority of the national government," he wrote, "while Chicago and Oak Park are subordinate bodies of a state."
We're all for federalism, but the U.S. Constitution is the U.S. Constitution. Surely he can't be serious.
Alan Gura, the Alexandria, Va., lawyer who won the Heller case, has expanded the argument to include the 14th Amendment, adopted in 1868 to prevent infringement on constitutional rights by states and others concerned about newly freed slaves owning firearms.
Introducing the 14th Amendment to Congress, Sen. Jacob Howard of Michigan referred to "personal rights" such as "the right to keep and bear arms, " explaining that his amendment would compel the states "to respect these great fundamental guarantees."
In 2008, Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott filed an amicus brief on behalf of 32 states that also challenged the constitutionality of the D.C. ban. Now he represents a group of 38 states fighting the Chicago ban. "The Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms is a critical liberty interest, essential to preserving individual security and the right to self-defense," Abbott explained.
Chicago Tribune columnist John Kass wrote in 2008 that in Chicago only two classes of people can possess firearms: "The criminals and the politicians."
City politicians, he noted, used their influence to "become deputized peace officers so they can carry" or "often go around surrounded by armed bodyguards on the city payroll."
Otis McDonald wants the same right to defend himself and his family. To deny him that right, city officials argue that repealing the ban will bring carnage in the streets. Yet in the forthcoming third edition of "More Guns, Less Crime," John Lott points out that the Windy City's murder rate fell relative to America's other 50 largest cities before the ban and rose afterward.
In an essay Monday for FoxNews.com, Lott noted that after the D.C. gun ban was ruled unconstitutional, murders in Washington plummeted 25% from 2008 to 2009. D.C.'s murder rate, he reports, is down to 23.5 per 100,000 people, its lowest since 1967.
More guns do seem to mean less crime. And as Mr. McDonald insists, those who gave us liberty gave us the means and the right to defend it.
Gun Fans Cheer Starbucks' Policy
Greg Bluestein
AP (Feb. 28) - Dale Welch recently walked into a Starbucks in Virginia, handgun strapped to his waist, and ordered a banana Frappuccino with a cinnamon bun. He says the firearm drew a double-take from at least one customer, but not a peep from the baristas.
Welch's foray into the coffeehouse was part of an effort by some gun owners to exercise and advertise their rights in states that allow people to openly carry firearms.
Even in some "open carry" states, businesses are allowed to ban guns in their stores. And some have, creating political confrontations with gun owners. But Starbucks, the largest chain targeted, has refused to take the bait, saying in a statement this month that it follows state and local laws and has its own safety measures in its stores.
"Starbucks is a special target because it's from the hippie West Coast, and a lot of dedicated consumers who pay $4 for coffee have expectations that Starbucks would ban guns. And here they aren't," said John Bruce, a political science professor at the University of Mississippi who is an expert in gun policy.
Welch, a 71-year-old retired property manager who lives in Richmond, Va., doesn't see any reason why he shouldn't bear arms while he gets caffeinated.
"I don't know of anybody who would provide me with defense other than myself, so I routinely as a way of life carry a weapon - and that extends to my coffee shops," he said.
The fight for retailers heated up in early January when gun enthusiasts in northern California began walking into Starbucks and other businesses to test state laws that allow gun owners to carry weapons openly in public places. As it spread to other states, gun control groups quickly complained about the parade of firearms in local stores.
Some were spontaneous, with just one or two gun owners walking into a store. Others were organized parades of dozens of gun owners walking into restaurants with their firearms proudly at their sides.
In one case, about 100 activists bearing arms had planned to go to a California Pizza Kitchen in Walnut Creek, Calif., but after it became clear they weren't welcome they went to another restaurant. That chain and Peet's Coffee & Tea are among the businesses that have banned customers with guns.
Just as shops can deny service to barefoot customers, restaurants and stores in some states can declare their premises gun-free zones.
The advocacy group OpenCarry.org, a leading group encouraging the demonstrations, applauded Starbucks in a statement for "deciding not to discriminate against lawful gun carriers."
"Starbucks is seen as a responsible corporation and they're seen as a very progressive corporation, and this policy is very much in keeping with that," said John Pierce, co-founder of OpenCarry.org. "If you're going to support individual rights, you have to support them all. I applaud them, and I've gone out of my way personally to let every manager of every Starbucks I pass know that."
The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence has responded by circulating a petition that soon attracted 26,000 signatures demanding that Starbucks "offer espresso shots, not gunshots" and declare its coffeehouses "gun-free zones."
Gun control advocates hope the coffeehouse firearms displays end up aggravating more people than they inspire.
"If you want to dress up and go out and make a little political theater by frightening children in the local Starbucks, if that's what you want to spend your energy on, go right ahead," said Peter Hamm, a spokesman for the Brady campaign. "But going out and wearing a gun on your belt to show the world you're allowed to is a little juvenile."
The coffeehouse debate has been particularly poignant for gun-control advocates in Washington state, where four uniformed police officers were shot and killed while working on their laptops at a suburban coffeehouse. The shooter later died in a gun battle with police.
Ralph Fascitelli of Washington Ceasefire, an advocacy group that seeks to reduce gun violence, said allowing guns in coffeehouses robs residents of "societal sanctuaries."
"People go to Starbucks for an escape, just so they can get peace," Fascitelli said. "But people walk in with open-carry guns and it destroys the tranquility."
Gun control advocates have been on the defensive. Their opponents have trumpeted fears that gun rights would erode under a Democrat-led White House and Congress, but President Barack Obama and his top allies have largely been silent on issues such as reviving an assault weapons ban or strengthening background checks at gun shows.
Gun rights groups are looking to build on a 2008 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that struck down Washington, D.C.'s handgun ban, and cheered legislation that took effect Monday allowing licensed gun owners to bring firearms into national parks. Obama signed that legislation as part of a broader bill.
Legislators in Montana and Tennessee, meanwhile, have passed measures seeking to exempt guns made and kept in-state from national gun control laws. And state lawmakers elsewhere are considering legislation that would give residents more leeway to carry concealed weapons without permits.
Observers say the gun rights movement is using the Starbucks campaign to add momentum and energize its supporters.
"They're trying to change the culture with this broader notion of gun rights," said Clyde Wilcox, a Georgetown University government professor who has written a book on the politics of gun control. "I think they are pressing the notion that they've got a rout going, so why not just get what they can while they're ahead?" Filed under:
This isn’t the first time people have been able to carry guns in national parks. They were allowed to do so for over two months last year, from January through March, and absolutely no problems were reported.
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A two-decade-old ban on loaded guns in national parks ends today. Loaded guns will be allowed in Yellowstone, the Grand Canyon, Great Smoky Mountains, and other national parks. Guns will still be prohibited in some areas in the parks, federal facilities that are regularly staffed by National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service employees, but everywhere else they will be allowed.
“You're raising the level of risk in the parks, and the chance that people will use the parks less than they have in the past,” Paul Helmke, President of the Brady Campaign gun control group warned during February 2009. As evidence for his claim, Helmke pointed to a New York school teacher who said that she would cancel school trips to national parks if guns were allowed. Helmke and others opponents have largely focused on permitted concealed handguns again being allowed in the parks.
Yet, despite the opposition of the Obama administration, the new federal law is hardly radical, as it simply defers to state law. It passed the Congress with about 2-to-1 majorities in both the House and Senate. If a state allows people to carry permitted concealed handguns, permit holders can carry their guns in the national parks in that state.
Opponents worry about the possibility that permit holders will accidentally shoot others or use their guns to commit crimes such as poaching. But this isn’t the first time people have been able to carry guns in national parks. They were allowed to do so for over two months last year, from January through March, and absolutely no problems were reported. Nor are the proponents of the ban pointing to any problems when guns were previously allowed in national parks during the 1980s and earlier.
When concealed-handgun laws were originally passed, gun control advocates then also warned that permit holders would lose their tempers and there would be blood in the streets. Obviously that never happened. We now have a lot of experience with concealed-handgun permit holders. In 2007, about 5 million Americans were permitted to carry concealed handguns. Take Florida, for example. Between Oct. 1, 1987, and January 31, 2010, Florida issued permits to 1,704,624 people, many of whom renewed their permits multiple times. Only 167 had their permits revoked for a firearms-related violation — about 0.01 percent. Over the last 14 months just one more permit has been revoked for firearms violations, a rate among active permit holders of 0.00014 percent. The pattern is similar in other states. Given the very low rate that permit holders commit any type of crime, it seems very doubtful that permit holders would engage in other crimes such as poaching.
Even though the adoption of right-to-carry laws was highly controversial in some states, the laws were so successful that no state has ever rescinded one. Indeed, no state has even held a legislative hearing to consider rescinding concealed-carry.
Everyone wants to keep guns away from criminals. The problem is that law-abiding citizens are the ones most likely to obey the gun control laws, leaving them disarmed and vulnerable and making it easier for criminals to commit crime.
Police are extremely important in deterring crime — according to my research, the most important factor. But the police almost always arrive after the crime has been committed. In national parks, with vast land areas and few roads, this problem is exacerbated. Even if one can quickly reach park rangers by using a cell phone, it can be hours before they can arrive at the crime scene.
Wild animals also sometimes do attack humans, and guns can come in handy. According to a study by Professor Gary Mauser at Simon Fraser University, guns were used about 36,000 times a year to stop animal attacks in Canada.
Here is a prediction. Just like the ruckus over passing concealed handgun laws, the fears about guns in national parks will soon be forgotten.
John R. Lott, Jr. is a FoxNews.com contributor. He is an economist and author of "More Guns, Less Crime" (University of Chicago Press), the third edition will be published in May
Date draws near to allow firearms in national parks
GLO’s Patterson weighs in on new law, Christmas Mountains
By MARK GLOVER PANTHER JUNCTION - There are still a few places in Texas where loaded concealed weapons are not allowed, but come February 22, strike another 1,200 square miles from the list. Just inside Big Bend National Park a sign reads “Loaded Firearms Prohibited.” Because of a bill passed last summer, that sign will likely be replaced by: “Loaded Concealed Weapons Okay.” Don’t expect a happy smiley face next to it. There is plenty of opposition to the idea of allowing loaded firearms inside national parks.
“The national parks are one of the safest places to be,” said Don Dowdy, president of the Big Bend Sierra Club. “I don’t think loaded guns have any place in our national park system.”
But Jerry Patterson, Commissioner of the Texas General Land Office, author of the Texas Concealed Hand Gun Law when he was a state Senator in the 1990s and a gun-toter himself – a .22 caliber stainless steel 5 shot magnum that he keeps in his sock – thinks otherwise.
“I hiked to the Christmas Mountain last time I was in Big Bend National Park and found two spent 9mm shells and a wadded cigarette pack stamped ‘hecho en Mexico,’” he said. “Probably dropped out of a plane. There is definitely narco traffic going on in the park and people need to be able to defend themselves.”
“Protecting Americans from Violent Crimes” is the provision sanctioned by Senator Tom Coburn (R-Okla) that will allow concealed weapons inside national parks this month. It was stitched into a credit card reform bill that was approved on Capitol Hill in May 2009.
“It’s a shame,” California Senator Barbara Boxer told the Los Angeles Times. “But you have to come to a realization around here that at this point in time the National Rifle Association gets the votes.”
The confluence of guns, bullets and national parks has been debated since the 1930s. Should hunting be allowed? What separations are needed between hunters and the general public? Who owns the wildlife?
And incongruities exist between national and state lands. In Virginia for example, a state that has ratified concealed handguns, the six-lane Blue Ridge Parkway cuts through the Shenandoah National Park, creating transitory criminals of otherwise legally gun-toting citizens.
During the Reagan Administration loaded firearms inside national parks were severely restricted. In his final 60 days as President, George W. Bush reversed the 25 year restriction, allowing licensed gun owners to carry concealed weapons in national parks.
The matter was promptly taken to court in January of 2009 by the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, the National Parks Conservation Association and the Retired Park Rangers Association. The US District Court granted a 90-day injunction, but by May the new law was on the books.
Patterson was president of the Western States Land Commissioners Association in the summer of 2008 when the inner workings of the concealed weapons in the parks provision was being drafted.
“We worked hard during the comment period to get the language right that would allow lawfully carried firearms in the national parks,” Patterson said. The Credit Cardholders’ Bill of Rights Act of 2009, including Sen. Coburn’s “Protecting Americans from Violent Crimes” amendment passed 279-147 in the House and 90-5 in the Senate.
The new law throws new light on an ongoing land dispute between Texas and the federal government. In 2008, Patterson opposed the transfer of the state-owned Christmas Mountain to the Big Bend National Park, stating “No guns, no hunting, no sale.”
“Should I transfer 9,300 acres to an agency that ignores the Bill of Rights? I don’t think so,” Patterson said.
According to the GLO, the Christmas Mountain parcel remains “technically for sale but not actively marketed.”
With the legality of loaded guns in the park now established, the Christmas Mountain parcel transfer to the adjacent Big Bend National Park may be closer to a reality.
If hunting were allowed in the park, would there be no more hurdles between the GLO and the National Park Service acquiring Christmas Mountain?
“Yes,” said Patterson, who is up for re-election this year. “But I think Big Bend National Park has more than they can say grace over right now. I think if NPS gave Superintendent Wellman $750,000, he could think of a lot of other things to do than buy 9,300 acres of raw land in need of much management and repair.”
INTERPOL Rumors Friday, January 08, 2010
Over the past year, we have reported several times on the abundance of rumors being circulated regarding firearm issues. Among other things, we've heard phony tales circulating about such things as guns being banned for the elderly, ammunition with expiration dates, a requirement that guns be listed on tax returns, and a prohibition on gun and ammunition imports. The latest scuttlebutt has to do with a recent Executive Order by President Obama concerning the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL).
Some have argued that the order would make INTERPOL and its officials immune from civil suit or criminal prosecution, and that it would therefore allow INTERPOL personnel to seize firearms, kidnap Americans, and otherwise violate U.S. citizens' rights. Our legal staff has reviewed this order and does not believe it poses any of these threats.
President Obama's order amends a 1983 order by President Reagan, in which the U.S. recognized INTERPOL as an international organization that is entitled to certain legal immunities under the International Organizations Immunities Act (IOIA).
One of those immunities is immunity from civil lawsuits. Under the doctrine of "sovereign immunity," foreign governments generally can't be sued, and the IOIA extended that protection to international organizations. This has been applied to block suits against the United Nations, Organization of American States, and other international bodies.
This means that articles on the recent order are incorrect in claiming that the order made INTERPOL immune from civil suits; INTERPOL was already immune.
Some have also suggested that under the order, INTERPOL agents would receive diplomatic immunity, so they could violate Americans' rights without fear of criminal prosecution. There are several misconceptions here.
First, diplomatic immunity only protects diplomats, and the IOIA specifically says it does not confer diplomatic immunity on international organization employees.
Second, while the IOIA does provide a limited type of immunity for international organization employees, this is only immunity "relating to acts performed by them in their official capacity." U.S. courts have interpreted this narrowly. In one case, a court found that a U.N. employee was not immune to a local speeding ticket even though he was actually driving the Secretary General of the U.N. to an official conference. In other cases, courts have found that employees of international organizations can be prosecuted for espionage, because espionage is not among their official duties.
Law enforcement officers working with INTERPOL are detailed from agencies in various countries, such as the FBI or the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. They have no power of arrest outside their own countries. Therefore, a seizure of an American (or of an Americans' firearms) would likely not fall within the official duties for which INTERPOL officials would be immune from prosecution.
Now don't take any of this to mean that we underestimate our anti-gun opponents, or that we don't believe they would happily and readily seize the opportunity to adopt and enforce measures that would limit our freedom. We know full well that they would. Rather, our message is this: Rumors abound, so don't believe everything you read. If it's a legitimate concern, rest assured your NRA-ILA will promptly address it and will give you the straight story.
Published: Oct. 18, 2009 at 2:15 AM By MICHAEL KIRKLAND
WASHINGTON, Oct. 18 (UPI) -- As the U.S. Supreme Court makes its stately way into the new term, a case over the horizon promises to hit the 20,000 gun control laws in this country with the impact of a 9mm round.
The prep work came last year in District of Columbia vs. Heller. A narrow 5-4 majority struck down the gun control law in the nation's capital, and for the moment settled an argument over just what the Second Amendment to the Constitution, part of the Bill of Rights, actually means.
The Second Amendment reads, "A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed."
The argument has centered on whether that language means a state militia has a right to bear arms, or whether there is an individual constitutional right to have a weapon.
The Supreme Court majority, in an opinion written by conservative Justice Antonin Scalia, said it means there is an individual right to that Glock or Beretta.
The gun control debate can be an emotional one for those on either side of the fence, such as members of the National Rifle Association or the anti-handgun Brady Campaign. Many see it as a red state, blue state issue, part of that "culture war" or "Kulturkampf" characterized by Scalia in dissent in 1996, and by conservative Patrick Buchanan in a series of speeches.
Apparently, no issue provokes more fear in members of Congress with rural constituencies. Analysts in West Virginia have pointed out that the state voted Republican in the 2000 and 2004 presidential races, ensuring George W. Bush's victory, in part from fear of gun control.
Scalia, however, said it all comes down to the meaning of words.
The Washington gun law banned handgun possession "by making it a crime to carry an unregistered firearm and prohibiting the registration of handguns," and providing "separately that no person may carry an unlicensed handgun." It did allow the police chief to issue 1-year licenses, but required those few authorized to own a firearm to keep them unloaded and dissembled, or made safe by a trigger lock.
Scalia's opinion, handed down last June 26, said the handgun ban and the trigger lock requirement violated the Constitution: "The Second Amendment protects an individual right to possess a firearm unconnected with service in a militia, and to use that arm for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home."
But what about that clause dealing with the militia?
Scalia calls it the "prefatory clause," and calls the second part of the amendment, the one dealing with "the right of the people," the "operative clause."
The prefatory clause clarifies the amendment -- sets up a justification for it -- but "apart from that clarifying function, a prefatory clause does not limit or expand the scope of the operative clause," Scalia said.
Moreover, the right to bear arms was not initially established in the Second Amendment, Scalia wrote. The amendment "codified a pre-existing right" dating back to the days when the Catholic English King James II tried to keep Protestants from obtaining weapons. Later, William and Mary guaranteed Protestants the right to bear arms in the Declaration of Rights, which became the English Bill of Rights.
But government is not powerless when it comes to regulating arms, the court majority said in the opinion's syllabus:
"Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose: For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the amendment or state analogs. The court's opinion should not be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms."
As sweeping as the opinion in Heller is, advocates of gun rights and gun control are waiting for the other shoe to drop this term.
Heller recognized an individual's right to bear arms, but the Supreme Court still has to decide whether Heller should be extended beyond federal jurisdictions such as the District of Columbia to "every city, county, and state in the nation," the Christian Science Monitor reports.
That question is central to McDonald vs. Chicago, a challenge to that city's gun control registration restrictions, which the high court has agreed to hear later this year. Though not yet scheduled, the case should be heard sometime in January or later, with a ruling handed down before the end of the term in late June.
Among the questions in the case: How should the Bill of Rights be applied to the states, as opposed to the federal government -- in the early days of the Republic, it was assumed that the first 10 amendments to the Constitution applied only to the federal government. It was only later that the courts, including the Supreme Court, used the 14th Amendment to apply them to state and local governments.
Legal Times correspondent Tony Mauro points out a group of liberal and conservative academics are pressing for a change, a "new pathway," in the Chicago challenge.
For the most part, in the 20th century the courts have used the 14th Amendment's "due process" clause -- due process in its simplest meaning essentially describes fair treatment in the legal process -- to make the states honor individual rights.
But, "that new pathway runs through the long-dormant 'privileges or immunities' clause of the 14th Amendment," Mauro reports. "In the view of scholars and historians of all political stripes, the clause provides the strongest legal foundation for applying the Bill of Rights to the states. The language -- 'No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States' -- is broad and clear, advocates say, and could be used to incorporate the entire Bill of Rights to the states, wholesale."
Legal niceties aside, McDonald vs. Chicago should have a real impact on the streets, especially if the five-justice majority in Heller decides the judgment in that case should apply nationwide.
The National Rifle Association says there are 20,000 "gun control" laws in states and local communities.
So far, no police department has filed a friend-of-the-court brief either supporting or opposing the Chicago challenge at the Supreme Court.
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States reversed policy on Wednesday and said it would back launching talks on a treaty to regulate arms sales as long as the talks operated by consensus, a stance critics said gave every nation a veto.
The decision, announced in a statement released by the U.S. State Department, overturns the position of former President George W. Bush's administration, which had opposed such a treaty on the grounds that national controls were better.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the United States would support the talks as long as the negotiating forum, the so-called Conference on the Arms Trade Treaty, "operates under the rules of consensus decision-making."
"Consensus is needed to ensure the widest possible support for the Treaty and to avoid loopholes in the Treaty that can be exploited by those wishing to export arms irresponsibly," Clinton said in a written statement.
While praising the Obama administration's decision to overturn the Bush-era policy and to proceed with negotiations to regulate conventional arms sales, some groups criticized the U.S. insistence that decisions on the treaty be unanimous.
"The shift in position by the world's biggest arms exporter is a major breakthrough in launching formal negotiations at the United Nations in order to prevent irresponsible arms transfers," Amnesty International and Oxfam International said in a joint statement.
However, they said insisting that decisions on the treaty be made by consensus "could fatally weaken a final deal."
"Governments must resist US demands to give any single state the power to veto the treaty as this could hold the process hostage during the course of negotiations. We call on all governments to reject such a veto clause," said Oxfam International's policy adviser Debbie Hillier.
The proposed legally binding treaty would tighten regulation of, and set international standards for, the import, export and transfer of conventional weapons.
Supporters say it would give worldwide coverage to close gaps in existing regional and national arms export control systems that allow weapons to pass onto the illicit market.
Nations would remain in charge of their arms export control arrangements but would be legally obliged to assess each export against criteria agreed under the treaty. Governments would have to authorize transfers in writing and in advance.
The main opponent of the treaty in the past was the U.S. Bush administration, which said national controls were better. Last year, the United States accounted for more than two-thirds of some $55.2 billion in global arms transfer deals.
Arms exporters China, Russia and Israel abstained last year in a U.N. vote on the issue.
The proposed treaty is opposed by conservative U.S. think tanks like the Heritage Foundation, which said last month that it would not restrict the access of "dictators and terrorists" to arms but would be used to reduce the ability of democracies such as Israel to defend their people.
The U.S. lobbying group the National Rifle Association has also opposed the treaty.
A resolution before the U.N. General Assembly is sponsored by seven nations including major arms exporter Britain. It calls for preparatory meetings in 2010 and 2011 for a conference to negotiate a treaty in 2012.
September 26, 2009 Just pass more gun laws... - 5 by John Haughey
Cleveland Gun Rights Examiner Daniel White pulls no punches in his Sept. 14 column on examiner.com: "Dave Stancliff is a columnist for The Times-Standard. He is a former newspaper editor and publisher," White writes. "He is also an idiot."
White proceeds to dissect Stancliff's sloppy recount of the same, tired, and false liberal rant about "scare tactics," "fear," "lies," "rumors," and, of course, this hate-mongering diaribe: "Racists across the country are loading up on guns and ammunition like Armageddon is around the corner. Hate groups are gaining record memberships because Obama is black. That should raise some alarm. These nuts are arming themselves in record numbers.
"Yet," as White writes, Stancliff "fails to provide any proof this is actually occurring. Then again, he doesn't bother to report the actual evidence that President Obama and his administration really would like to pass more gun control laws, but that pesky Will of the People keeps getting in the way.
"After all of that, Dave then goes on to completely discredit himself by believing and regurgitating the lies he's been fed.
"I do ask for laws that would restrict sales of M-16s, AK 47s, or Uzi's," Stancliff writes.
"You've had them since 1934," White responds.
"I don't care what anyone says, hunting with machine guns makes no sense," Stancliff writes.
"The Second Amendment isn't about hunting," White correctly notes.
For more, go to: http://www.examiner.com/x-2206-Cleveland-Gun-Rights-Examiner~y2009m9d14-Pay-no-attention-to-the-man-behind-the-curtain-just-pass-more-gun-laws
Annual Louisiana Second Amendment Weekend Sales Tax Holiday
August 19, 2009
BATON ROUGE - The Louisiana Department of Revenue (LDR) has issued rules and dates for the first annual “Louisiana Second Amendment Weekend Sales Tax Holiday.” The sales tax holiday will take place Friday, September 4, through Sunday, September 6.
Act 453 of the Regular Session of the 2009 Louisiana Legislature provides a three-day exemption from state and local sales and use taxes on consumer purchases of firearms, ammunition, and hunting supplies. This is an annual sales tax holiday that occurs each year on the first consecutive Friday through Sunday in September.
According to the statute, during this sales tax holiday weekend, the sales and use tax levied by the state and its political subdivisions shall not apply to any consumer purchases of firearms, ammunition and hunting supplies. The Annual Louisiana Second Amendment Weekend Holiday Act became effective July 9, 2009.
The state and local sales and use tax exemption applies to an individual’s purchase of firearms, ammunition and hunting supplies. The sales and use tax exemption is not available for business purchases. Consumer purchases do not include the purchase of animals for hunting.
LDR has published a rule that details which consumer purchases are eligible for state and local sales and use tax exemption during the holiday and when these purchases are to occur. The rule (LAC 61:I.4425) is available on the Louisiana Administrative Code: Emergency Rules page at www.revenue.louisiana.gov.
During the Annual Louisiana Second Amendment Weekend Sales Tax Holiday, a consumer’s purchase will be eligible for the state and local sales and use tax exemption, under any of the following conditions:
1. Title to or possession of firearms, ammunition and hunting supplies is transferred from a selling dealer to a purchaser. 2. A customer selects an eligible item from the selling dealer's inventory for layaway that is physically set aside in the selling dealer's inventory for future delivery to that customer. 3. The customer makes final payment and withdraws an item from layaway that might have been placed on layaway prior to the Annual Louisiana Second Amendment Weekend Sales Tax Holiday. 4. The customer orders and pays for an eligible item and the selling dealer accepts the order for immediate shipment, even if delivery is made after the time period provided for in LAC 61:I4425.A, provided that the customer has not requested delayed shipment.
Pennsylvania: Bethlehem Area School District Eliminates Funding for Two High School Rifle Teams!
Tuesday, August 18, 2009
Please Stand-Up and Make Your Voices Heard!
Due to tightening budgets, the BethlehemAreaSchool District has shut off funding for the LibertyHigh School and FreedomHigh School rifle teams.Both teams have been in existence for over 40 years and have consistently been given grants by NRA.
Unfortunately, the BethlehemAreaSchool District is choosing to balance the budget on the backs of tomorrow’s shooters.Rifle teams, such as these, help foster the future of our Second Amendment freedoms, shooting sports, and safe firearms training.
Please contact the Superintendent of Schools, Dr. Joseph A. Lewis, and the members of the school board TODAY and respectfully voice your disapproval with their action. Contact information can be found below.
Dr. Joseph A. Lewis, Superintendent of Schools Phone: (610) 861-0500, ext. 60250 Fax: (610) 807-5599 supt@bethsd.org
Atlanta - The appearance of weapons near the president at a speech and a healthcare town hall has been cast as either a danger to the president and public debate or a sign of that gun ownership is gradually losing its stigma.
A man in a shirt and tie carried a shoulder-slung rifle near President Obama's entourage in Phoenix Tuesday. Since carrying a gun is legal in Arizona, police did not take action against him or any other gun-carrying protesters.
Last week, however, a man was arrested near the presidential town hall in Portsmouth, N.H., for not having the proper permits for a gun. Another man wore a gun in a leg holster.
To many liberals, such displays are a worrisome sign that the president's opponents are trying to intimidate public discourse. "Loaded weapons at political forums endanger all involved, distract law enforcement, and end up stifling debate," says Paul Helmke, president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence in a statement issued Tuesday.
But many gun-rights experts see another trend at work: the "re-normalization" of gun ownership in the United States. So-called "must-issue" laws, which mandate that anyone who meets the requirements for a gun permit must be issued one, are spreading to more states. Congress has broadened the rights of gun owners recently, for example allowing guns in federal parks. And the Supreme Court's decision in District of Columbia v. Heller last year emboldened gun owners, experts say. It confirmed that the constitutional right "to keep and bear arms" is not a state right, as some gun-control advocates had argued, but an individual right.
The recent furor over the presence of guns near the president is part of an effort to undermine these gains, says Brandon Denning, a law professor at Cumberland School of Law in Birmingham, Ala. It "is an attempt to somehow reverse the normalization of guns," he says. In actuality, the spread of laws that allow permit-holders to carry their weapons openly throughout much of the central, Southwestern, and Southern United States has gradually made the sight of people carrying guns less jarring, says Dave Kopel, a gun-rights expert at the Independence Institute in Golden, Colo.
Yet the decision by the crisply dressed man in Phoenix to carry a rifle to an anti-Obama rally seemed to be intended as a provocative statement of Second Amendment rights, says Mr. Kopel.
"This is really a form of expressive speech, and I think the fact that the Secret Service ... hasn't gotten particularly upset shows good judgement on their part," he says.
Still, the man didn't necessarily do the Second Amendment cause any favors, Kopel says.
"While I think it's really paranoid for some of the media to falsely characterize this as people trying to threaten the president, I think it shows bad judgement to carry [guns] near a presidential speech," he says. Protesters are "trying to make a statement about Second Amendment rights, but they're doing it in a way that probably sets back that cause."
D.C. delegate calls for ban on guns near Obama By Jordy Yager Posted: 08/19/09 05:51 PM [ET] Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.) called on the Homeland Security Department and the U.S. Secret Service on Wednesday to provide tighter restrictions on citizens carrying weapons, openly or concealed, while in the vicinity of President Barack Obama.
Norton, who sits on the Homeland Security Committee, made the request after numerous news reports have shown groups of people brandishing firearms while outside of events held by Obama over the past several weeks.
“It is clear that if the Secret Service can temporarily clear all aircraft from air space when the president is in the vicinity, the agency has the authority to clear guns on the ground that are even closer to the President,” Norton said.
But the Secret Service says that Obama was never in danger when a group of about a dozen protesters brandished their firearms outside the Phoenix convention center earlier this week where he was speaking.
One man carried an AR-15 assault rifle, but Arizona law allows people to carry unconcealed guns and police made no arrests.
“This doesn’t change what already exists for Secret Service,” said Secret Service spokesman Malcolm Wiley of Norton’s request.
“Whenever the Secret Service travels somewhere in the country, we are able to determine what the security parameters will be for any particular site and anything within those parameters fall under federal law as far as being able to control what happens there.”
“So even if the state law says that you can have a gun as long as it’s not concealed, it doesn’t mean that you can bring a gun into a protected site.”
Norton has been battling with gun rights supporters for years because of the District’s former ban on handguns, which was struck down by the Supreme Court last year. More recently, a bill to grant the District a representational vote in Congress has stalled in the House because of an amendment that would make it easier to own a gun in D.C.
The Arizona event followed a similar instance in New Hampshire – which has open-carry laws – last week when police arrested a man for having a loaded, unlicensed gun in his car near where Obama was set to hold a healthcare-related forum. Another man outside of that event had a licensed handgun strapped to his leg and held a sign that read: “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants.”
“In both instances, those guys were outside of the outer-most perimeter of security, so what would apply is state law,” said Wiley. “They never had any proximity to the president at any time. They weren’t trying to gain access to the event and they weren’t in a position outside the event where they could have affected the president.”
But the Brady Campaign, a gun control group, said that these increasing instances of brandishing firearms in public could lead to escalated scenarios in the future that put the president at risk because it stretches law enforcement thin.
“Law enforcement has to keep an eye on these people,” said Paul Helmke, president of the group. “So the more people [who] carry guns, the more people you need to keep an eye on them, which stretches limited resources further. You get an event like in Phoenix with maybe 12 or 13 people, what if at the next event there are 100? And when you take the law enforcement resources away, that makes the president more vulnerable.”
Larry Pratt, executive director of the Gun Owners of America, a gun rights group in Virginia, said that this is nothing new nor is it different than law-abiding gun owners bringing their weapons into restaurants, as they have been known to do periodically in the Commonwealth.
“There have been a few calls to the police and the police have come to the point now where they ask one question: ‘What are these gun carriers doing?’ And they get the response that they’re eating and say, ‘Well, if they start doing something, let us know.’ So when somebody goes to a rally, obviously if the president is there it’s going to get more attention, but I don’t think we’re really dealing with anything different.”
A Wise Virginian THOMAS JEFFERSON MUST'VE HAD A CRYSTAL BALL!
It has been said the greatest volume of sheer brainpower in one place occurred when Jefferson dined alone... HOW DID JEFFERSON KNOW?????? When we get piled upon one another in large cities, as inEurope, we shall become as corrupt asEurope. Thomas Jefferson The democracy will cease to exist when you take away from those who are willing to work and give to those who would not. Thomas Jefferson It is incumbent on every generation to pay its own debts as it goes. A principle which, if acted on, would save one-half the wars of the world. Thomas Jefferson I predict future happiness for Americans if they can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people under the pretense of taking care of them. Thomas Jefferson My reading of history convinces me that most bad government results from too much government. Thomas Jefferson No free man shall ever be debarred the use of arms. Thomas Jefferson The strongest reason for the people to retain the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect themselves against tyranny in government. Thomas Jefferson The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. Thomas Jefferson To compel a man to subsidize with his taxes the propagation of ideas which he disbelieves and abhors is sinful and tyrannical. Thomas Jefferson Thomas Jefferson said in 1802: I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up around the banks will deprive the people of all property until their children wake up, homeless on the continent their fathers conquered.
Obama Administration targets conservatives and war vets April 15, 6:24 AM The Obama Administration's new Secretary of Homeland Security recently ordered immigration agents to stop their workplace searches for illegal aliens while at the same time denigrating US war veterans and conservative or right-wing groups.In a warning sent out nationally to local police and law enforcement executives, the Department of Homeland Security is cautioning local police agencies about the alleged rise in “right-wing extremist activity.” The confidential memorandum states that the election of America’s first black president and the return of a few disgruntled war veterans could swell the ranks of "white-power militias."An addendum attached to the report by DHS's Intelligence and Analysis Office defines “right-wing extremism in the United States” as including not just racist or hate groups, but also groups that reject federal authority in favor of state or local authority. < www.dhs.gov >“It may include groups and individuals that are dedicated to a single-issue, such as opposition to abortion or immigration,” the warning says."This is the shot not heard around the world because the news media are covering up this shocking story. Suddenly, the Obama clique is disparaging not only American citizens but also returning military veterans, who've served their country honorably," said conservative political strategist."I believe this memo is the result of the Tea Party movement, which is viewed by the Obama Administration as a rebellion against his socialist and radical policies," said Baker.When asked for comment on its contents, White House spokesman Nick Shapiro said during a press conference that President Obama is not focused on politics but rather taking the steps necessary to protect all Americans from the threat of violence and terrorism regardless of its origins. He went on to state that Obama also believes those who serve represent the best of this country, and he will continue to ensure that our veterans receive the respect and benefits they have earned.However, many police agencies are beginning to question the priorities of this administration."What Obama's minions are attempting to do is create friction between local cops and the military," said Detective Sydney Frances (NYPD-Ret.)."This is Obama's first shot at dissenters who are not willing to turn their nation over to Marxism and socialism," he said in an interview with NewswithViews.com.According to sources, the nine-page memorandum has been sent to police and sheriff’s departments across the United States on April 7 under the headline, “Rightwing Extremism: Current Economic and Political Climate Fueling Resurgence in Radicalization and Recruitment.” < www.fas.org/blog/secrecy/2009/04/rightwing_extremism.html >Part of the document states: "Rightwing extremism in the United States can be broadly divided into those groups, movements, and adherents that are primarily hate-oriented (based on hatred of particular religious, racial or ethnic groups), and those that are mainly antigovernment, rejecting federal authority in favor of state or local authority, or rejecting government authority entirely. It may include groups and individuals that are dedicated to a single issue, such as opposition to abortion or immigration."Also, he states that the US government “will be working with its state and local partners over the next several months” to gather information on “rightwing extremist activity in the United States.”Homeland Security spokeswoman Sara Kuban told reporters that the DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano report is one in an ongoing series of assessments by the department to “facilitate a greater understanding of the phenomenon of violent radicalization in the U.S.”The report claims that extremist groups have used President Obama as a recruiting tool.“Most statements by rightwing extremists have been rhetorical, expressing concerns about the election of the first African American president, but stopping short of calls for violent action,” the report says. “In two instances in the run-up to the election, extremists appeared to be in the early planning stages of some threatening activity targeting the Democratic nominee, but law enforcement interceded.”Congressional debates about immigration and gun control also make extremist groups suspicious and give them a rallying cry, the report states.“It is unclear if either bill will be passed into law; nonetheless, a correlation may exist between the potential passage of gun control legislation and increased hoarding of ammunition, weapons stockpiling, and paramilitary training activities among rightwing extremists,” according to the DHS document.There is also fear of the number of Americans legally purchasing firearm. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, as reported on Fox News, since November, more than 7 million people have applied for criminal background checks in order to buy weapons.The Homeland Security report added: “Over the past five years, various rightwing extremists, including militias and white supremacists, have adopted the immigration issue as a call to action, rallying point, and recruiting tool.”"This woman is either stupid or a left-wing ideologue," s
Congress allowed the ban on commonly owned semi-automatic firearms to expire in 2004 for two main reasons: The ban was an infringement on the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding Americans, and it failed to live up to supporters’ promises.
Last year, the Supreme Court ruled that the right of individuals to possess firearms is protected by the Second Amendment. There is no question that the firearms affected by the now-expired ban have been legally and widely owned for decades. These guns aren’t machine guns; despite anti-gun groups’ efforts to confuse the public, the guns fire just one shot for each pull of the trigger, using technology that’s more than a century old.
Furthermore, a congressionally mandated study of the ban by the Urban Institute showed that the ban couldn’t possibly have had much impact on crime because “the banned guns were never used in more than a modest fraction of all gun murders” in the first place. That study was consistent with findings by state and local law enforcement agencies, the Department of Justice and the Congressional Research Service.
Proof that the ban had little effect on crime can also be found in FBI statistics, which show that since the ban expired, murder has fallen to a 43-year low and total violent crime rate to a 35-year low.
Supporters of the ban often ask, “Who needs these guns?” But in America, the burden of proof is on those who wish to restrict rights. The burden of making the case for this ban is one that supporters have never been able to carry
Click Here TO E-Mail him PA AG OFFICE
Pennsylvania Attorney General Signs Amicus Brief Supporting Second Amendment Incorporation Please Thank Attorney General TomCorbett! Two-thirds of the nation’s attorneys general have filed an amicus brief asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant certiorari in the case of NRA v. Chicago and hold that the Second Amendment applies to state and local governments through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This bi-partisan group of 33 attorneys general, along with the Attorney General of California in a separate filing, agrees with the NRA’s position that the Second Amendment protects a fundamental individual right to keep and bear arms, disagreeing with the decision recently issued by a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. Attorney General Corbett was one of the many who agrees that the Second Amendment is a fundamental individual right and signed the amicus brief.Please call Attorney General Corbett at (717) 787-3391 and thank him for standing up in support of the Second Amendment. You may also e-mail him by clicking here.http://www.attorneygeneral.gov/theoffice.aspx?id=71
The State Attorneys General Amicus Brief can be found by clicking here.
By PATRICK WALTERS Associated Press WriterPHILADELPHIA (AP) - June 18, 2009 -- A state appeals court ruled Wednesday that the city cannot enforce an assault weapons ban and a law prohibiting guns bought by one person and given to another, measures passed by City Council in an effort to combat persistent gun violence. The 6-1 ruling marked the latest setback for Philadelphia officials, who have fought for years for the right to pass their own gun legislation. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court has previously upheld the state's exclusive right to enact gun laws. The National Rifle Association challenged a series of measures that were passed by City Council in April 2008 and signed by Mayor Michael Nutter. Both sides expect the case to end up before the state's highest court again. "The bottom line is, we won," NRA attorney C. Scott Shields said of the ruling. Story continues belowAdvertisementIn Thursday's ruling, the court said the city could not ban assault weapons or pass the law prohibiting straw purchases, in which one person fills out forms and buys a gun for someone else - often convicted felons who can't legally own guns. In a dissenting opinion, Commonwealth Judge Doris A. Smith-Ribner asserted the city does have the right to pass its own gun laws, citing the hundreds of residents killed by gun violence every year. The NRA has also asked the U.S. Supreme Court to strike down strict gun control laws in the Chicago area. The NRA wants the court to rule that last year's decision invalidating a handgun ban in the District of Columbia also applies to local and state laws. The justices likely won't decide before late September whether to hear the NRA's case. That appeal came after a federal appeals court in Chicago said this month that it is bound by earlier Supreme Court decisions that held the Second Amendment applies only to federal laws. Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor was part of an appeals court panel in New York that reached a similar conclusion in January. Judges on both courts - Republican nominees in Chicago and Democratic nominees in New York - said only the Supreme Court could decide whether to extend last year's ruling throughout the country. Many, but not all, of the constitutional protections in the Bill of Rights have been applied to cities and states. The framers of the Constitution intended "to protect the right to keep and bear arms and other rights from state infringement," the NRA said in a filing to the Supreme Court. In Pennsylvania, the state appeals court also ruled Thursday that the NRA lacked standing in challenges to three other measures, saying the plaintiffs failed to show that they suffered "injury." Those three laws require gun owners to report lost or stolen guns within 48 hours; allow police to confiscate guns from people who are considered a danger; and prohibit anyone subject to a protection-from-abuse order from possessing a gun. Only the lost-or-stolen gun ordinance is currently being enforced. A 1974 state law says that only the General Assembly can regulate guns, but the Philadelphia case is being watched by other cities in the state, including several that have passed measures requiring gun owners to report lost or stolen guns.
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There are a number of pro-gun bills pending in Congress that require your attention and action. Please review these legislative initiatives and be sure to contact your U.S. Representative at (202) 225-3121, and your U.S. Senators at (202) 224-3121, and urge them to cosponsor and support these measures.Additional contact information can be found using the "Write Your Representatives" feature at www.NRAILA.org.
• S. 941/H.R. 2296-- the "Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives Reform and Firearms Modernization Act."This bill would roll back unnecessary restrictions, correct errors, and codify longstanding congressional policies in the firearms arena.These bipartisan bills are a vital step to modernize and improve BATFE operations.Of highest importance, S. 941 and H.R. 2296 totally rewrite the system of administrative penalties for licensed dealers, manufacturers and importers of firearms.S. 941 and H.R. 2296 would allow fines or license suspensions for less serious violations, while still allowing license revocation for the kind of serious violations that would block an investigation or put guns in the hands of criminals. This will help prevent the all-too-common situations where BATFE has revoked licenses for insignificant technical violations -- such as, improper use of abbreviations, or filing records in the wrong order.
For more information on S. 941/H.R. 2296, please click here.
To see if your Senators are a cosponsor of S. 941, please click here.
To see if your Representative is a cosponsor of H.R. 2296, please click here.
• H.R. 197-- the "National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act." This bill would allow any person with a valid carry permit or license issued by a state, to carry a concealed firearm in any other state if the permit holder meets certain criteria. In states that issue permits, a state's laws governing where concealed firearms may be carried would apply within its borders. In states that do not issue carry permits, a federal standard would apply. The bill would not create a federal licensing system; it would simply require the states to recognize each other's carry permits, just as they recognize drivers' licenses.
For more information on H.R. 197, please click here.
To see if your Representative is a cosponsor of H.R. 197, please click here.
• H.R. 442-- The "Veterans' Heritage Firearms Act."This legislation would provide a 90-day amnesty period during which veterans and their family members could register firearms acquired overseas between June 26, 1934, and Oct. 31, 1968, without fear of prosecution. Congress granted a limited amnesty in 1968, but most veterans did not receive enough notice to participate.H.R. 442 would not apply to all firearms brought home by veterans.The only firearms that normally have to be registered at the federal level are those subject to the National Firearms Act (NFA).More common trophies, such as bolt-action rifles or semi-automatic pistols, need not be registered. Therefore, H.R. 442's proposed amnesty would only apply to machineguns and other NFA firearms. (It also would not apply to "destructive devices" such as bombs and grenades.)
For more information on H.R. 442, please click here.
To see if your Representative is a cosponsor of H.R. 442, please click here.
• H.R. 1074 -- "The Firearms Interstate Commerce Reform Act."This bill would remove several antiquated and unnecessary restrictions imposed on interstate firearms business since 1968.The bill would update certain procedures applicable to commerce in firearms and remove certain Federal restrictions on interstate firearms transactions.
For more information on H.R. 1074, please click here.
To see if your Representative is a cosponsor of H.R. 1074, please click here.
Again, please contact your U.S. Representative and U.S. Senators and urge them to cosponsor and support these measures.For additional information on these bills, please visit www.NRAILA.org
23 State Attorneys General To Attorney General Holder: "No Semi-Auto Ban"
Friday, June 12, 2009
On June 11, the top law enforcement officials of nearly half the states signed a letter to U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, expressing their opposition to reinstatement of the federal ban on semi-automatic firearms.
"We share the Obama Administration's commitment to reducing illegal drugs and violent crime within the United States. We also share your deep concern about drug cartel violence in Mexico. However, we do not believe that restricting law-abiding Americans' access to certain semi-automatic firearms will resolve any of these problems," the letter said.
The letter notes congressional opposition to bringing back the ban, and calls for increasing enforcement of existing laws.
We encourage NRA members to let these state officials know we appreciate them standing up to the incessant clamor for gun control that is currently coming from anti-gun groups and their media allies.
The 23 state Attorneys General, in alphabetical order, by state, are:
Arkansas – The Honorable Dustin McDaniel Alabama - The Honorable Troy King Colorado - The Honorable John W. Suthers Florida - The Honorable Bill McCollum Georgia - The Honorable Thurbert E. Baker Idaho - The Honorable Lawrence G. Wasden Kansas - The Honorable Steve Six Kentucky - The Honorable Jack Conway Louisiana - The Honorable James D. Caldwell Michigan - The Honorable Mike Cox Missouri - The Honorable Chris Koster Montana - The Honorable Steve Bullock Oklahoma - The Honorable W.A. Edmonson Nebraska - The Honorable Jon Bruning Nevada - The Honorable Catherine Cortez Masto New Hampshire - The Honorable Kelly A. Ayotte North Dakota - The Honorable Wayne Stenehjem South Carolina - The Honorable Henry McMaster South Dakota - The Honorable Lawrence Long Texas - The Honorable Greg Abbott Utah - The Honorable Mark L. Shurtleff Wisconsin – The Honorable J.B. Van Hollen Wyoming - The Honorable Bruce A. Salzburg
To read the letter in its entirety, please click here.
Right-To-Carry
The National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Bill
H.R. 197, introduced in the U.S. House by Representatives Cliff Stearns’ (R-Fla.) and Rick Boucher (D-Va.), would allow any person with a valid concealed firearm carrying permit or license, issued by a state, to carry a concealed firearm in any state, as follows: In states that issue concealed firearm permits, a state’s laws governing where concealed firearms may be carried would apply within its borders. In states that do not issue carry permits, a federal "bright-line" standard would permit carrying in places other than police stations; courthouses; public polling places; meetings of state, county, or municipal governing bodies; schools; passenger areas of airports; and certain other locations. The bill applies to D.C., Puerto Rico and U.S. territories. It would not create a federal licensing system; it would require the states to recognize each others’ carry permits, just as they recognize drivers’ licenses and carry permits held by armored car guards. Rep. Stearns has introduced such legislation since 1995.
• Today, 48 states have laws permitting concealed carry, in some circumstances. Forty states, accounting for two-thirds of the U.S. population, have RTC laws. Thirty-six have "shall issue" permit laws (including Alaska, which also allows carrying without a permit), three have fairly administered "discretionary issue" permit laws, and Vermont (and Alaska) allow carrying without a permit. (Eight states have restrictive discretionary issue laws.) Most RTC states have adopted their laws in the last decade.
• Citizens with carry permits are more law-abiding than the general public. Only 0.01% of nearly 1.2 million permits issued by Florida have been revoked because of firearm crimes by permit holders. Similarly low percentages of permits have been revoked in Texas, Virginia, and other RTC states that keep such statistics. RTC is widely supported by law enforcement officials and groups.
• States with RTC laws have lower violent crime rates. On average, 22% lower total violent crime, 30% lower murder, 46% lower robbery, and 12% lower aggravated assault, compared to the rest of the country. The seven states with the lowest violent crime rates are RTC states. (Data: FBI.)
• Crime declines in states with RTC laws. Since adopting RTC in 1987, Florida’s total violent crime and murder rates have dropped 32% and 58%, respectively. Texas’ violent crime and murder rates have dropped 20% and 31%, respectively, since its 1996 RTC law. (Data: FBI.)
• The right of self-defense is fundamental, and has been recognized in law for centuries. The Declaration of Independence asserts that "life" is among the unalienable rights of all people. The Second Amendment guarantees the right of the people to keep and bear arms for "security."
• The laws of all states and constitutions of most states recognize the right to use force in self-defense. The Supreme Court has stated that a person "may repel force by force" in self-defense, and is "entitled to stand his ground and meet any attack made upon him with a deadly weapon, in such a way and with such force" as needed to prevent "great bodily injury or death." (Beard v. U.S., 1895)
• Congress affirmed the right to guns for "protective purposes" in the Gun Control Act (1968) and Firearm Owners’ Protection Act (1986). In 1982, the Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on the Constitution described the right to arms as "a right of the individual citizen to privately possess and carry in a peaceful manner firearms and similar arms."
Posted: 1/12/2009 12:00:00 AM
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BATFE/Federal Firearms Law Reform
S. 941 and H.R. 2296: The “Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives Reform and Firearms Modernization Act of 2009”
Senator Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) have introduced S. 941, the “Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives Reform and Firearms Modernization Act of 2009.” Reps. Steve King (R-Iowa) and Zack Space (D-Ohio) have introduced a companion bill in the House. The bills would roll back unnecessary restrictions, correct errors, and codify longstanding congressional policies in the firearms arena. These bipartisan bills are a vital step to modernize and improve BATFE operations.
Of highest importance, S. 941and H.R. 2296 totally rewrites the system of administrative penalties for licensed dealers, manufacturers and importers of firearms. Today, for most violations, BATFE can only give a federal firearms license (FFL) holder a warning, or totally revoke his license.
S. 941and H.R. 2296 would allow fines or license suspensions for less serious violations, while still allowing license revocation for the kind of serious violations that would block an investigation or put guns in the hands of criminals. This prevents the all-too-common situations where BATFE has revoked licenses for insignificant technical violations—such as improper use of abbreviations, or filing records in the wrong order.
Among its other provisions, S. 941and H.R. 2296 would:
Clarify the standard for “willful” violations—allowing penalties for intentional, purposeful violations of the law, but not for simple paperwork mistakes.
Improve the process for imposing penalties, notably by allowing FFLs to appeal BATFE penalties to a neutral administrative law judge, rather than to an employee of BATFE itself.
Allow a licensee a period of time to liquidate inventory when he goes out of business. During this period, all firearms sold would be subject to a background check by the National Instant Criminal Background Check System.
Allow a grace period for people taking over an existing firearms business to correct problems in the business’s records—so if a person inherited a family gun store (for example), the new owner couldn’t be punished for the previous owner’s recordkeeping violations.
Reform the procedures for consideration of federal firearms license applications. Under S. 941, denial of an application would require notification to the applicant, complete with reasons for the denial. Additionally, an applicant would be allowed to provide supplemental information and to have a hearing on the application.
Require BATFE to establish clear investigative guidelines.
Clarify the licensing requirement for gunsmiths, distinguishing between repair and other gunsmith work and manufacture of a firearm. This would stop BATFE from arguing that minor gunsmithing or refinishing activities require a manufacturers’ license.
Eliminate a provision of the Youth Handgun Safety Act that requires those under 18 to have written permission to use a handgun for lawful purposes (such as competitive shooting or safety training)—even when the parent or guardian is present.
Permanently ban creation of a centralized electronic index of out of business dealers’ records—a threat to gun owners’ privacy that Congress has barred through appropriations riders for more than a decade.
Allow importation and transfer of new machineguns by firearm and ammunition manufacturers for use in developing or testing firearms and ammunition, and training customers. In particular, ammunition manufacturers fulfilling government contracts need to ensure that their ammunition works reliably. S. 941 and H.R. 2296 would also provide for the transfer and possession of new machineguns by professional film and theatrical organizations.
Repeal the Brady Act’s “interim” waiting period provisions, which expired in 1998.
Give BATFE sole responsibility for receiving reports of multiple handgun sales. (Currently, dealers also have to report multiple sales to state or local agencies, a requirement that has shown little or no law enforcement value.) State and local agencies could receive these reports upon request to BATFE, but would have to comply strictly with current requirements to destroy these records after 20 days, unless the person buying the guns turns out to be prohibited from receiving firearms.
Restore a policy that allowed importation of barrels, frames and receivers for non-importable firearms, when they can be used as repair or replacement parts.
S. 941and H.R. 2296 represents the first time such BATFE reform legislation has been introduced in the Senate. However, the House passed similar legislation (H.R. 5092) in the 109th Congress, by a 277-131 vote. Supporters included 63 Democrats. A majority of the House--224 congressmen, including 52 Democrats --cosponsored H.R. 4900 in the 110th Congress.
This bipartisan reform legislation is the culmination of BATFE abuses and problems that were highlighted in several congressional oversight hearings in 2006.
Increased gun control makes the country a better place.
On April 29, The Patriot-News reported that the city of Harrisburg created a gun law to increase public safety in the area. It was a great move by city officials to make the city and area better environments.
But the city, state and national government need to continue their efforts. Statistical evidence and common logic suggests that America would improve with tighter gun restrictions.
First, there are legal and Constitutional reasons that the country should increase gun laws. Proponents of gun rights suggest that they have a Constitutional, Second Amendment right to "bear arms." However, they are strongly mistaken.
I could explain that we do not have a well-regulated militia, an executive branch that threatens the liberties of its citizens, or the ability to use a militia to secure the security of a free state. With that said, I do not want to step on the toes of the many scholars who have dedicated years to discussing the Second Amendment. Instead, I want to discuss the personal and individual reasons that guns threaten a better America.
As a college student, I want to feel safe at school. Students have a distinct possibility of walking through campus one day and having someone open fire to kill dozens of their classmates. In high school, the possibility is even more frightful with everyone in an enclosed area.
In 2007, a student opened fire at Virginia Tech University, killing 32 students. In 1999, two high school students in Columbine, Colo., used guns to kill 12 students and injure 21 more. Now I must ask, how many students have to die before we take action?
Quite honestly, I am tired of hearing that the problem is a violent public rather than guns. "Guns don't kill people, people do," the avid gun owner argues. Tell me then how many teenagers the students at Columbine would have killed with a baseball bat? Could the student at Virginia Tech have gotten to 30 young adults with a knife?
Before you argue that Americans have the right to own guns, think of yourself or your child at school and whether you want a disgruntled classmate walking in with a bat or an automatic gun.
Bobby Warshaw
I originally considered including statistics to demonstrate the point. But we all know the numbers. America has a strikingly high death rate from guns compared with all other industrialized nations.
Nationmaster Web site calculated almost 10,000 gun deaths in the United States in 2002 compared with 12 in the United Kingdom.
The International Firearm Statistics organization calculates that the United States is fifth in the world for homicides involving firearms and second in the world for accidental deaths involving firearms. For the most advance and powerful nation in the world, those numbers are a little scary.
Americans, for whatever reason, ignore the obvious evidence and stand rooted in their gun-loving tradition. Keep your rifle and enjoy your hunting. Someone, however, must explain to me why an American needs an automatic weapon to defend his family. I would love to know why an American has a right to bear arms, but not the right to feel safe from a simple and unskilled act of violence.
Now is the time for Harrisburg to take action. The recent law on reporting stolen guns is the first step. The appellate courts need to uphold the legislation. Courts cannot allow multimillion dollar interest groups to determine the safety and future of our country.
Likewise, local, state and national legislatures must continue to push for further gun control. Laws such as restricting automatic weapons, increasing background checks, or increased safety precautions would decrease gun deaths in the area.
Politicians and officials must understand that any decisions and policies that they make will meet opposition. However, they must put the safety of their constituents above all else.
Constituents also must be prepared for the long-term effects. When new statistics come out in five years and we find that our streets, schools and homes are safer, politicians and citizens will be satisfied with the decision.
I hope the day for tighter gun control comes soon. I never want to read about young kids in school falling by a gun or a family losing a little girl on Mother's Day again.
BOBBY WARSHAW, a graduate of Mechanicsburg Area Senior High School, is a student at Stanford University.
Anti-Gun Blacklist Bill Introduced in U.S. House
Friday, May 15, 2009
Rumor was enough to get you burned as a witch in Salem, Massachusetts. It was enough to get you shot in Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. It's enough to get your head chopped off in parts of Iraq infested with madmen claiming to carry out Allah's will.
And if U.S. Rep. Peter King (R-N.Y.) has his way, it may be enough to prohibit you from acquiring a firearm or federal firearm license, especially if the Attorney General is as opposed to gun ownership as Janet Reno was during the Clinton Administration, and as Eric Holder is today.
Fresh on the heels of a disturbing paper from the Department of Homeland Security, characterizing gun owners as rightwing extremists, on April 29 King introduced H.R. 2159, which he calls the "Denying Firearms and Explosives to Dangerous Terrorists Act of 2009."
King, the ranking Republican on the House Homeland Security Committee, describes himself as "a strong supporter of the war against international terrorism, both at home and abroad," so without reading the bill one might assume that H.R. 2159 is a legitimate effort to clamp down on genuine terrorists. However, King and his bill's co-sponsors—Carolyn McCarthy (D-N.Y.), Mike Castle (R-Del.), Jim Moran (D-Va.), Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.), Mark Kirk (D-Ill.), and Chris Smith (R-N.J.)1—are extreme gun control supporters, and his billis intended only to give the Executive Branch arbitrary, unaccountable power to stop loyal Americans from acquiring firearms. Here's how:
H.R. 2159 would give "the Attorney General the authority to deny the sale, delivery, or transfer of a firearm or the issuance of a firearms or explosives license or permit to dangerous terrorists. . . . if the Attorney General determines that the transferee is known (or appropriately suspected) to be or have been engaged in conduct constituting, in preparation for, in aid of, or related to terrorism, or providing material support thereof, and the Attorney General has a reasonable belief that the prospective transferee may use a firearm in connection with terrorism."
H.R. 2159 does not, however, impose any requirements or limits on the information the Attorney General could use to make a determination, and it proposes that "any information which the Attorney General relied on for this determination may be withheld from the applicant if the Attorney General determines that disclosure of the information would likely compromise national security."
In stark contrast to the scheme proposed in H.R. 2159, federal law establishes guidelines for the nine categories of persons currently prohibited from possessing firearms, and it protects the right of a person to be told why he is prohibited. The latter is important because a person who is not prohibited can be mistaken for someone who is, due to incomplete or incorrect records in the FBI's database of prohibited persons, or due to being mistaken for a prohibited person on the basis of a similar name or other personal information.
The trash bin of history is full of politically-motivated, authoritarian abuses of peoples' rights. As King and his bill's co-sponsors have shown, however, the concept behind the evil yet remains.
ATF gun raid sends us all a message May 16, 12:07 PM 7 commentsShareThisFeed
"ATF in Action"There's been an armed raid in Connecticut. Mary Ellen Godin of the Record-Journal reports:
A usually quiet mobile home park was shaken Friday morning when about 15 officers from the U.S. bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives and local police descended on one of their neighbor's homes with force.
"They had their guns drawn and were surrounding the house," said Jennifer Monroe of Hosford Bridge Road. "These weren't small guns, they were machine guns. It wasn't normal."
"Machine guns"? You know, true "assault weapons," not the neutered kind the citizen disarmament cartel says you and I can't be trusted with, because they are "weapons of war designed only to kill people."
Except when deployed by the "Only Ones," they magically transform themselves into "patrol rifles"...
And the purpose of the raid? The compelling reason 15 heavily-armed police state ninjas used a battering ram on an unlocked door, assaulted and threw citizens to the ground, put guns to their heads, terrorized a man with a heart condition, destroyed and seized property, and generally trashed the place?
Because a son who "was arrested 34 years ago at the age of 17 with a friend who had forged a check [and] hasn't been arrested since" was living with his gun owner father.
"This could have been handled so much easier," Boynton said. "All they had to do was have an officer come to my door and tell me."
Indeed. But that presupposes you are dealing with creatures who feel any need to treat you like a citizen and respect your rights, Mr. Boynton. That presupposes you're dealing with Oath Keepers who understand the purpose behind giving government authority in the first place was to "secure the blessings of Liberty."
Perhaps it's trivial, but one of the first things that struck me was the inclusion of "holsters" on the search warrant. Then there's the question of why no arrests were made, and why, if having the guns and his son on the same premises is illegal, the raiders left a pistol behind--would that not subject the residents to further charges, further armed assaults?
And it also brings up the subject of prohibited persons. My position is that anyone who can't be trusted with a gun can't be trusted without a custodian. But back to our story:
"At the end of it when they didn't find nothing, they were real nice," Gilman Boynton said.
I'll bet--perhaps they realized things weren't exactly as their pet rat...I mean...confidential informant led them to believe (and what his incentive was has yet to be disclosed), and are anticipating a legal backlash. But they weren't so "nice" the veiled threat "that Paul Boynton could still be arrested because the keys to the gun rack were hanging up in the kitchen" wasn't made (perhaps to discourage that backlash?).
The object lesson here could not be more clear--we exist at the convenience and pleasure of the state. What we do, what we may possess, all are subject to permission and revocation that can, at any moment, be violently wrested from us. Nothing is ours. Not our bodies, not our lives. And this no doubt foreshadows some of that "change" and sets the tone we can expect now that the Bureau gets its marching orders from a new administration.
At least that's the way some see it. And we know how those of us who disagree with that are regarded.
This also brings up an interesting double standard. We know the names of the citizens who were minding their own business when all hell broke loose and their lives were put in immediate lethal and continued legal danger. In a free society, where citizen is supposed to be master and government the servant, why are the names of those responsible for initiating force protected?
And speaking of double standards, here's another one, a news report from Florida involving a cop and his wife:
A Polk County deputy disgraced by his family's pranks gave up his badge earlier this week.
Charles "Chip" Buckner resigned... An arrest report shows Bucker's wife, Gail, and his mother-in-law took his patrol car without his knowledge and drove around Lakeland.
And here's the kicker:
Gail Buckner is also looking at a charge of Possession of a Firearm by a Convicted Felon.
"Law enforcement" clearly had first-hand knowledge of this situation. So where was the 15-man home invasion?
U.S. Congressman Bart Stupak (D-Menominee) has introduced legislation to restore the gun rights of individuals convicted of minor, non-violent crimes. . . .
“To be absolutely clear, the NRA believes it is both constitutional and appropriate to disarm convicted felons,” NRA Director of Federal Affairs Chuck Cunningham wrote in a letter of support for the bill. “However, we also believe that no person should lose the right to arms due to convictions for minor, non-violent crimes, especially those that occurred many years in the past.”
When discussing politics, the topic of gun control is a hot debate. The liberal stance on guns is to restrict, restrict and restrict them. Their argument makes absolutely no sense.
Liberals desire more gun laws. They believe by creating stricter gun laws, it will be harder to obtain and use them. However, it is a constitutional right for Americans to bear arms.
You hear these liberals whining all the time about how it is their right to have abortions. In other words, they believe that you can murder an innocent baby, while thinking they can fight against an American's second amendment right to bear arms.
First of all, the "right" to have an abortion is not stated in the Constitution, but the right to bear arms is mentioned. Second, liberals are advocating the killing of babies, while they fight tooth and nail so people cannot own guns for protection and hunting. More babies are killed from abortions than there have ever been from murders in the United States. Doesn't that make liberals look rather insensitive toward human life?
Liberals obviously are not receiving the correct information on gun owners and gun policies. People own guns for protection, hunting and range shooting. I know people who have guns for every one of these motives. People should be allowed to own guns. As a woman, I feel the need to own a gun, especially when I will be living on my own. I need protection, and I would feel safer knowing I have a gun. In addition, I know how to use it if I am in harm's way. Wouldn't you feel safer knowing your mom or sister has a gun to protect herself too?
Illinois does not allow people to carry concealed weapons. Carrying a concealed weapon is the only policy that has been proven to deter mass murder. "In a comprehensive study of all public, multiple-shooting incidents in America between 1977 and 1999, the estimable economists John Lott Jr. and William Landes found that concealed-carry laws were the only laws that had any beneficial effect on saving lives. States that allowed citizens to carry concealed handguns reduced multiple-shooting attacks by 60 percent and reduced the death and injury from these attacks by nearly 80 percent," said Ann Coulter.
Just think, if you were at a mall and some crazy person started opening fire on everyone or was holding someone hostage with a knife, no one would be able to stop the perpetrator. If concealed weapons were allowed, the madness would end and save human lives.
With all these compelling arguments, it comes down to the fact that the right to bear arms is in the Constitution. Therefore, it should never be altered. The restrictions on guns need to stop, along with the hypocrisy of the liberals pretending to care about human lives by protecting them from gun owners.
Gun owners ultimately save lives, deter murder and prevent harm to individuals-while the liberals are promoting the death of millions of babies. Obviously, their agenda is not for human life, but to change what has made this nation so great.
You should take pride in living in such an envied country, where millions of people all over the world want to live here to obtain freedom. Our nation is known for its freedom, so no one shall infringe on our right to bear arms. Don't forget the principles our United States of America was founded on.
WASHINGTON - April 28, 2009 - -- Veteran Republican Sen. Arlen Specter disclosed plans Tuesday to switch parties, a move intended to boost his chances of winning re-election next year that will also push Democrats closer to a 60-vote filibuster-resistant majority.
"I now find my political philosophy more in line with Democrats than Republicans," Specter said in a statement posted on a Web site devoted to Pennsylvania politics and confirmed by his office. Several Senate officials said a formal announcement could come later in the day or Wednesday.
Specter, 79 and in his fifth term, is one of a handful of Republican moderates remaining in Congress in a party now dominated by conservatives. Several officials said the White House as well as leaders in both parties had been involved in discussions leading to his move.
With Specter, Democrats would have 59 Senate seats. Al Franken is ahead in a marathon recount in Minnesota, and if he ultimately wins his race against Republican Norm Coleman, he would become the party's 60th vote. That is the number needed to overcome a filibuster.
Specter faced an extraordinarily difficult re-election challenge in his home state in 2010, having first to confront a challenge from his right in the Republican primary before pivoting to a general election campaign against a Democrat.
"I am unwilling to have my twenty-nine year Senate record judged by the Pennsylvania Republican primary electorate," he said in the statement.
"I don't have to say anything to them. They've said it to me," Specter said, when asked in a Capitol corridor about abandoning the GOP.
A senior White House official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because no announcement has yet been made, said at 10:25 a.m. EDT Tuesday President Barack Obama was handed a note while in the Oval Office during his daily economic briefing. The note said: "Specter is announcing he is changing parties." At 10:32, Obama reached Specter by phone and told him "you have my full support" and that the Democratic Party is "thrilled to have you."
Specter had publicly acknowledged that to win in 2010, he would need thousands of Pennsylvania voters who switched from Republican to Democrat last year to vote for Obama to flip back to the GOP to cast ballots for him.
As one of the most senior Republicans in the Senate, Specter held powerful positions on the Judiciary and Approporiations panels. It was not clear how Democrats would calculate his seniority in assigning committee perches.
Specter has long been an independent Republican, and he proved it most recently when he became one of only three members of the GOP in Congress to vote for Obama's economic stimulus legislation.
As recently as late winter, he was asked by a reporter why he had not taken Democrats up on past offers to switch parties. "Because I am a Republican," he said at the time.
---
Associated Press Writer Liz Sidoti contributed to this story.
Statement by Senator Arlen Specter
I have been a Republican since 1966. I have been working extremely hard for the Party, for its candidates and for the ideals of a Republican Party whose tent is big enough to welcome diverse points of view. While I have been comfortable being a Republican, my Party has not defined who I am. I have taken each issue one at a time and have exercised independent judgment to do what I thought was best for Pennsylvania and the nation.
Since my election in 1980, as part of the Reagan Big Tent, the Republican Party has moved far to the right. Last year, more than 200,000 Republicans in Pennsylvania changed their registration to become Democrats. I now find my political philosophy more in line with Democrats than Republicans.
When I supported the stimulus package, I knew that it would not be popular with the Republican Party. But, I saw the stimulus as necessary to lessen the risk of a far more serious recession than we are now experiencing.
Since then, I have traveled the State, talked to Republican leaders and office-holders and my supporters and I have carefully examined public opinion. It has become clear to me that the stimulus vote caused a schism which makes our differences irreconcilable. On this state of the record, I am unwilling to have my twenty-nine year Senate record judged by the Pennsylvania Republican primary electorate. I have not represented the Republican Party. I have represented the people of Pennsylvania.
I have decided to run for re-election in 2010 in the Democratic primary.
I am ready, willing and anxious to take on all comers and have my candidacy for re-election determined in a general election.
I deeply regret that I will be disappointing many friends and supporters. I can understand their disappointment. I am also disappointed that so many in the Party I have worked for for more than four decades do not want me to be their candidate. It is very painful on both sides. I thank specially Senators McConnell and Cornyn for their forbearance.
I am not making this decision because there are no important and interesting opportunities outside the Senate. I take on this complicated run for re-election because I am deeply concerned about the future of our country and I believe I have a significant contribution to make on many of the key issues of the day, especially medical research. NIH funding has saved or lengthened thousands of lives, including mine, and much more needs to be done. And my seniority is very important to continue to bring important projects vital to Pennsylvania's economy.
I am taking this action now because there are fewer than thirteen months to the 2010 Pennsylvania Primary and there is much to be done in preparation for that election. Upon request, I will return campaign contributions contributed during this cycle.
While each member of the Senate caucuses with his Party, what each of us hopes to accomplish is distinct from his party affiliation. The American people do not care which Party solves the problems confronting our nation. And no Senator, no matter how loyal he is to his Party, should or would put party loyalty above his duty to the state and nation.
My change in party affiliation does not mean that I will be a party-line voter any more for the Democrats that I have been for the Republicans. Unlike Senator Jeffords' switch which changed party control, I will not be an automatic 60th vote for cloture. For example, my position on Employees Free Choice (Card Check) will not change.
Whatever my party affiliation, I will continue to be guided by President Kennedy's statement that sometimes Party asks too much. When it does, I will continue my independent voting and follow my conscience on what I think is best for Pennsylvania and America.
Obama Proposes Signing Treaty To Ban Reloading
-- Even BB guns could be on the chopping block
Gun Owners of America Fact Sheet 8001 Forbes Place, Suite 102, Springfield, VA 22151 Phone: 703-321-8585 / FAX: 703-321-8408
Despite the fact that it purportedly deals with “illicit manufacturing and trafficking,” GOA is convinced that this convention defines these terms much more broadly and potentially presents serious dangers to Americans lawfully exercising their Second Amendment rights.
PURPOSES AND DEFINITIONS
Although the word “illicit” is used extensively in order to make the convention sound less anti-gun than it actually is, we need to look very carefully at the purposes and definitions to see whether it is, in fact, limited in scope to persons illegally moving guns across borders in order to arm violent criminal cartels:
The seventh precatory clause “STRESS[ES] the need, in peace processes and post-conflict situations, to achieve effective control of firearms, ammunition, explosives, and other related materials in order to prevent their entry into the illicit market;” -- thereby endorsing comprehensive gun and ammunition control, in violation of McClure-Volkmer (which deregulated ammunition) and of the Second Amendment to the Constitution.
Furthermore, the tenth precatory clause supports a “know-your-customer policy for dealers [in firearms]” -- something which would rapidly lead to an abolition of firearms in a country as large and transient as the United States.
And the twelfth precatory clause acknowledges the rights of parties to enact their own gun laws, but only with respect to aspects of a “wholly domestic character.”
We have seen, as recently as the April 15 New York Times, how battles with the Mexican drug cartels have been fanned into an issue which is being used to justify the passage of every major gun control initiative in modern American history.
We see how these “slippery slope” findings are actually implemented when we look at the definitions:
“Illicit manufacturing” of firearms is defined as “assembly of firearms [or] ammunition... without a license...”
Hence, reloading ammunition -- or putting together a lawful firearm from a kit -- is clearly “illicit manufacturing.” Modifying a firearm in any way would surely be “illicit manufacturing.” And, while it would be a stretch, assembling a firearm after cleaning it could, in any plain reading of the words, come within the screwy definition of “illicit manufacturing.”
“Firearm” has a similarly questionable definition. Borrowing from the open-ended definitions in federal law which have continue to vex us (and people like Olofson in Wisconsin), any barreled weapon “which... may be readily converted to expel a bullet” would be a firearm. Even worse, “any other weapon” (a term which is not defined) is a “firearm.” This surely includes BB guns -- and who knows what else.
“Cartridge cases” and “projectiles” are defined as “ammunition.”
SUBSTANTIVE PROVISIONS
In Article IV, parties commit to adopting “necessary legislative or other measures” to criminalize illicit manufacturing and trafficking in firearms. Remember that “illicit manufacturing” includes reloading and modifying or assembling any firearm in any way. And, while treaties should not trump the Bill of Rights (in contrast to what the Supreme Court held in Missouri v. Holland), they do have the force of statute -- which would mean that the Obama administration could promulgate regulations on the basis of this treaty which would ban any modification or machining of any firearm in any manner whatsoever except by license of the government.
Article IV goes on to state that the criminalized acts should include “association or conspiracy” in connection with “said offenses” -- which is arguably a term broad enough to allow, by regulation, the criminalization of entire pro-gun organizations or gun clubs, based on the facilities which they provide their membership.
Article V requires each party to “adopt such measures as may be necessary to establish its jurisdiction over the offenses it has established in accordance with this Convention” under a variety of circumstances. We know that Mexico is blaming U.S. gun dealers for the fact that its streets are flowing with blood. And we know it is possible for it to define offenses “committed in its territory” in a very broad way. And we know that we have an extradition obligation under Article XIX of the convention. And we also know that other countries such as Spain have tried to use their treaty powers to put American officials on trial.
Article VI requires “appropriate markings” on firearms. And, it is not inconceivable that this provision could be used to require microstamping of firearms and/or ammunition -- a requirement which is clearly intended to impose specifications which are not technologically possible or which are possible only at a prohibitively expensive cost.
Article VII requires confiscation and forfeiture of illicit firearms.
Articles VIII, IX, and X would increase the role of government, in ways which cannot be foreseen, in supervising the import and export of firearms and ammunition.
Article XI requires the maintenance of any records, for a “reasonable time,” that the government determines to be necessary to trace firearms. This provision would almost certainly repeal portions of McClure-Volkmer and could arguably be used to require a national registry or database.
Article XIII authorizes the “exchange of information” with respect to FFL’s -- presumably providing information on Americans to the corrupt Mexican police which are the source of many, if not most, of the illicit firearms.
Finally, under Article XXIX, if Mexico demands the extradition of a lawful American gun dealer, the U.S. would be required to resolve the dispute through “other means of peaceful settlement.” Does anyone want to risk sweltering in a Mexican jail at the mercy of the Obama administration?
This fact sheet was prepared by Mike Hammond, GOA’s legislative counsel.
Posted on Thu, Apr. 16, 2009
Rendell calls for reviving assault-rifle ban
By Mario F. Cattabiani
Inquirer Staff Writer
HARRISBURG - Gov. Rendell yesterday called on Congress to reinstate a federal ban on assault rifles and urged state lawmakers to pass "simple" gun-control measures.
The move came 11 days after three Pittsburgh police officers were killed by a man with an AK-47.
"Time and time again, our police are finding themselves outgunned. They are finding themselves with less firepower than the criminals they are trying to bring to justice," Rendell said at a Capitol news conference.
As he spoke, more than a dozen mayors and police chiefs from across the state stood behind him while four assault rifles were displayed on a table in front of them.
One was similar to the weapon Richard Poplawski allegedly used to kill Pittsburgh Officers Eric Kelly, Stephen Mayhle and Paul Sciullo on April 11.
"How much blood has to be spilled in the streets of America before we say enough is enough?" said Pittsburgh Police Chief Nate Harper, who noted that this month in Oakland. Calif., four police officers were killed by a man who had an assault rifle.
In 1994, Congress approved a decade-long ban on the sale and possession of assault weapons. It expired in September 2004.
Last month, 65 House Democrats announced that they would oppose reinstating the ban, leading many to believe it lacks the support to pass.
Separately in Harrisburg, Rendell is calling on lawmakers to pass legislation that would let cities craft their own firearms laws and require owners to report when their guns are lost or stolen.
Neither bill gained the necessary support in the Capitol, where lawmakers, both Republican and Democratic, historically have been averse to limiting gun rights, given the state's many hunters and NRA members.
Senate Majority Leader Dominic Pileggi (R., Delaware) said Republicans who control the upper chamber were ready to negotiate with the governor on efforts to curb gun violence. But he added that the legislation Rendell is asking for must be changed from the way it was presented last year, or the results will be the same.
"I don't know any member who has changed their minds on those bills since last session," he said.
Realizing the political calculus he is facing, Rendell yesterday tried to shame lawmakers into altering their stances.
A memorial service will be held on May 4 in Harrisburg to honor all Pennsylvania police officers killed in the line of duty. They include six from Philadelphia killed since November 2007, four by gunfire.
A similar national event will be held two weeks later in Washington.
"If you don't support [police], if you are not going to listen to them, then don't come to those memorial services," Rendell said, looking into TV cameras but speaking to legislators. "It's wrong. It's hypocritical."
Gun control advocates look desperate. Last Friday night, on April 10, ABC aired a heavily promoted, hour long “20/20″ special called “If I Only Had a Gun.” It is ABC’s equivalent of NBC’s infamous exploding gas tanks in General Motors pickups where NBC rigged the truck to explode. With legislation in Texas and Missouri advancing to eliminate gun-free zones at universities, perhaps this response isn’t surprising.
The show started and ended by claiming that allowing potential victims to carry guns would not help keep them safe –- not even with hundreds of hours of practice firing guns.
No mention was made of the actual multiple victim public shootings stopped by people with concealed handguns nor did they describe who actually carried out such shootings. Instead, ABC presented a rigged experiment where one student in a classroom had a gun. But sometimes even the best editors can’t hide everything the camera sees.
The experiment was set up to make the student fail. It did not resemble a real-world shooting. The same scenario is shown three times, but in each case the student with the gun is seated in the same seat –- the center seat in the front row. The attacker is not only a top-notch shooter –- a firearms expert who teaches firearms tactics and strategy to police -– but also obviously knows precisely where the student with the gun is sitting.
Each time the experiment is run, the attacker first fires two shots at the teacher in the front of the class and then turns his gun directly on the very student with the gun. The attacker wastes no time trying to gun down any of the unarmed students. Thus, very unrealistically, between the very first shot setting the armed student on notice and the shots at the armed student, there is at most 2 seconds. The armed student is allowed virtually no time to react and, unsurprisingly, fails under the same circumstances that would have led even experienced police officers to fare poorly.
But in the real world, a typical shooter is not a top-notch firearms expert and has no clue about whether or not anyone might be armed and, if so, where they are seated. If you have 50 people –- a pretty typical college classroom –- and he is unknown to the attacker, the armed student is given a tremendous advantage. Actually, if the experiment run by “20/20″ seriously demonstrated anything, it highlighted the problem of relying on uniformed police or security guards for safety: the killer instantly knows whom to shoot first.
Yet, in the ABC experiment, the purposefully disadvantaged students are not just identified and facing (within less than 2 seconds) an attacker whose gun is already drawn. They are also forced to wear unfamiliar gloves, a helmet, and a holster. This only adds to the difficulties the students face in handling their guns.
Given this set-up the second student, Danielle, performed admirably well. She shot the firearms expert in his left leg near the groin. If real bullets had been used, that might well have disabled the attacker and cut short his shooting spree.
Nevertheless, even terrible shooters can often be quite effective. Despite all of ABC’s references to the Columbine attack, the network never mention the armed guard at the school. He had an unusually poor target shooting record –- indeed it is reported that he couldn’t even hit a target. Yet, his bravery still saved many lives because his poorly aimed shots forced the two killers to engage in gunfire with him. This slowed down their killing spree and gave many students a chance to escape the building. The guard was only forced to retreat and leave the school himself because of the homemade grenades that the Columbine murderers had.
The Columbine murderers strongly and actively opposed passage of Colorado’s right-to-carry law, particularly the part that would have allowed concealed handguns being legally carried on school campuses. What goes unnoticed is that the Columbine attack took place the very day that the state legislature scheduled final passage of the concealed handgun law.
In the real world, even having a gun and pointing it at an attacker has often convinced the attacker to stop shooting and surrender. Examples include high schools in Pearl, Mississippi and Edinboro, Pennsylvania, as well as the Appalachian Law School in Virginia. Street attacks in Memphis to Detroit ended this way, too, without any more shots fired.
Even if the cases don’t get much attention, gun permit holders stop these multiple victim attacks on a regular basis. Ironically, just this past Saturday, the day after ABC’s broadcast, a permit holder in Columbia, Texas stopped a mass robbery by fatally shooting the criminal. Some Web sites have started collecting these and other defensive gun use cases (e.g., see here, here, and here).
ABC’S “20/20″ exaggerates “the danger of accidentally hitting a friend” when confronting an attacker. The show cites as an example is a man who mistook his wife for an intruder. Obviously that case is a tragedy, but those cases are exceedingly rare. But why didn’t they present a single multiple victim attack as an example? Simple, because it has not happened.
ABC pushes the notion that gun show regulations, rather than arming potential victims, can stop these attacks. But very few criminals get their guns from gun shows: a U.S. Justice Department survey of 18,000 state prison inmates showed that less than one percent (0.7%) of prisoners had obtained their gun from a gun show. Even adding flea markets and gun shows together raises the number to just 1.7 percent. There is not a single academic study showing that regulating private individuals selling their own guns — the so-called “gun show loophole” — reduces any type of violent crime. What the regulations have accomplished is cutting the number of gun shows by 25 percent.
The show ends with this claim:
“If you are wondering where are all the studies about the effectiveness of guns used by ordinary Americans for self-defense, well keep searching, we could not find one reliable study and the ones we found were contradictory.”
Yet, “contradictory” is an overstatement. There have been 26 peer-reviewed studies published by criminologists and economists in academic journals and university presses. Most of these studies find large drops in crime. Some find no change, but not a single one shows an increase in crime.
You would think that if gun control worked as well as ABC implies, there wouldn’t be these multiple victim public shootings in those European countries with gun laws much stricter than those being publicly discussed in the United States or by ABC. Yet, multiple victim public shootings are quite common in Europe. In just the last few days, there have been a shooting at a college in Greece and in a crowded café in Rotterdam. Of course, the worst K-12 public school shootings are in Europe.
Given the hundreds of millions of dollars that have been spent annually in the United States for police officers on campus and other programs, one would hope that this relatively inexpensive alternative, where people are willing to bear the costs themselves to protect others, would be taken more seriously.
ABC never mentions a simple fact: all multiple victim public shootings with more than 3 people killed have occurred where permitted concealed handguns are prohibited. Rather than studying what actually happens during these shootings, ABC conjured up rigged experiments aimed at convincing Americans that guns are ineffective. Unfortunately, ABC’s advice, rather than making victims safe, makes things safer for attackers.
John Lott is a senior research scientist at the University of Maryland and the author of More Guns, Less Crime (University of Chicago Press, second edition, 2000) and The Bias Against Guns (Regnery, 2003). Much of the discussion here is based on both books. John Lott’s past pieces for FOX News can be found here and here.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's call for assault weapon ban in U.S. gets blasted by gun lobby
WASHINGTON - Secretary of State Clinton called for a new assault weapon ban in the U.S. on Thursday in hopes of cutting off arms flowing to Mexican drug gangs - and was immediately blasted by the gun lobby.
Clinton was naive in thinking that "if Americans give up their freedoms, that it's somehow going to affect the operations of the Mexican drug cartels," said National Rifle Association spokesman Andrew Arulanandam.
Obama supported the ban during the campaign, Gibbs said, but "I don't know of any plans" for Obama to go immediately to Capitol Hill with new legislation.
On her two-day visit to Mexico, Clinton told MSNBC it'd be "a very heavy lift" to get Congress to take up the issue.
Under tight security yesterday in Monterrey, Mexico, Clinton said the drug-related violence along the border was "intolerable for honest, law-abiding citizens of Mexico, my country or of anywhere people of conscience live."
"We can worry about what's coming north," Clinton said, "but the Mexican people are worried about what's coming south: assault weapons, bazookas, grenades."
Mexican officials and newspapers hailed Clinton's blunt admissions that the "insatiable" appetite for drugs in the U.S. was contributing to the violence.
A federal civil rights lawsuit that alleged Torrance police unconstitutionally had a blanket policy of denying all concealed weapons permits has been dismissed.
The suit, filed last June by Huntington Beach attorney Terry A. Nelson on behalf of client David W. Spears, was dismissed in January at the request of both parties in the dispute.
Nelson brought the suit after Spears, a revenue investigator for the city of Lynwood who lives in Torrance, was denied a permit in September 2006.
A Police Department letter denying Spears the permit noted "it has been the long-standing practice of our chiefs of police not to issue such permits to citizens."
In the lawsuit, Nelson claimed that statement proved an unconstitutional blanket policy existed of routinely denying permits without even investigating whether an applicant had a legitimate reason to request one.
Nelson said his client needed to carry a gun because during the course of his job he is often accosted by "would-be criminals" who believe he is carrying money. He included a letter in the suit from one of Spears' supervisors supporting his permit request.
However, the Torrance Police Department apparently had investigated Spears' need for a concealed weapon, although Nelson said he was unaware of that until he had filed suit.
"Mr. Spears was under the misapprehension that the city did not investigate his need for the permit and simply had a blanket policy of
not issuing concealed-carry weapons permits," said Rob Bower of the Costa Mesa-based firm of Rutan & Tucker. "The city does not have the policy and did check with Mr. Spears' employer.
"It turns out the direct supervisor we talked to says, `No, he does not need a permit,"' Bower added. "In fact, the city would not allow him to carry a gun for liability (reasons)."
Nelson said that because an investigation occurred, his client lacks legal standing to bring the suit.
However, Nelson said the letter his client received suggested the department might indeed have a blanket policy of declining to issue concealed weapons permits.
A hardy congratulation is due to our loyal customers, our good friends, and our fellow shooting enthusiasts through out this great nation! Due to the diligent and overwhelming effort of many thousands of you, calling, writing, and emailing our elected officials, DOD Surplus, LLC, has rescinded its prior directive that ALL small arms spent casings be mutilated rather than recycled. This was a huge victory for common sense and we would like to thank each and every person who made an effort and played a role in correcting this mistake. We at Georgia Arms are proud of everyone who took the time and had the courage to stand up for our rights. We believe, that by your outpouring of anger and dismay, you not only extended our liberty and freedoms but also took a stand for economic common sense in a time when we know our government should be trying to reduce costs at all levels rather than throwing money away for some politically correct reason or the other. Again, our hat is off to everyone who helped and thanks to God as well. We will roll up our sleeves and go back to work; we have 223’s and 308’s to build! (Below is a copy of the email we received from DOD on 3/17/09 @ 4:30pm)
GOD BLESS AMERICA !!!!!
DOD rescinds its ban on selling brass.
"When they feel the heat, they see the light."
Congratulations to the most active, the most effective, and the fastest-moving gun rights group in the country -- the Gun Talk Truth Squad. Only 48 hours after I broke the news to the nation's gun owners about a stealth program to drive up ammo prices, you crushed this effort by the new administration.
Last Sunday (was it only three days ago?) on my radio show, I had as guests Gordon Hutchinson (author of "The Great New Orleans Gun Grab") and Larry Haynie, owner of Georgia Arms. They told the story about the U.S. Department of Defense changing its policy, and how ammo remanufacturers (reloaders) such as Georgia Arms would no longer be able to buy millions of rounds of fired brass from the government unless they agreed to shred the brass.
Of course, that would make it useless for reloading. This would mean millions of rounds a month would be taken off the market, driving the price of ammunition even higher than it now is. Also, Larry told us he would have to fire half of his 60 employees.
Gordon alerted me, and within hours we put it on Gun Talk radio, live all over the country. You got angry, and being the Truth Squad -- a follower of the "no shrug" doctrine -- you acted.
Emails, faxes, and calls went to the offices of every Senator and Representative on The Hill. Senators Tester and Baucus of Montana (both Democrats) contacted the Department of Defense on Tuesday, and within an hour, they had a reply that this new, ill-considered, policy had been rescinded. Only 48 hours after I broke the news to the nation's gun owners, you responded, and then THEY responded.
This, my friends, is what the Truth Squad is all about. It's about generating a massive, suffocating, instant flood of rational and reasonable demands that our constitutional right to keep and bear arms not be infringed. What you did was create a "what the heck is going on?" response on Capitol Hill.
What's next? A constant stream of "we are watching you" communications which tells all elected officials that we will not stand by and allow them to trade away any of our rights. They all need to see that an attack on gun rights is the third rail of politics, and we will do all we can to send them home to find other work if they support any such effort.
Stay tuned. As always, you'll hear about it first on Gun Talk Radio. No other outlet covers the entire country (regular radio stations, XM and Sirius satellite, and the podcasts) with the latest news on firearms and gun rights.
There WILL be more assaults on our rights. Many of them will come through agencies, where no recorded vote is necessary. Never make the mistake of thinking that we have won and can now relax. By their actions we know that they really ARE out to get us.
If you hear of anything like this, by all means, let me know so we can jump on it.
DOD Ends Sale of Expended Military Brass to Remanufacturers
Sunday, March 15, 2009
AND SO IT BEGINS... We all wondered when it was going to start.
When the new administration would make their move against us as gun owners. Oh, everyone got upset about HR45--I'll bet I got over 100 e-mails warning me about this draconian gun registration bill that had been introduced in Congress.
I was really glad to see Tom Gresham, host of "Gun Talk Radio," an editor, writer, television host on "Self-Defense TV," and one of the foremost gun spokespersons, come out and tell everyone to stop worrying about legislation so absolutely over-the-top- -it would never get out of committee.
Tom said save your energy for when we really need it--don't expend it trying to warn everyone in your e-mail list about legislation that would go nowhere.
Now, Tom just interviewed me, and Larry Haynie, owner of Georgia Arms (www.georgia- arms.com), on Gun Talk (www.guntalk. com)--and Tom agrees, now is the time to "...unleash the hounds..." by which he means start e-mailing and writing your senators and congressmen.
Now it has come clear...now we know what they intend to do.
It is an end-run around Congress. They don't need to try to ban guns--they don't need to fight a massive battle to attempt gun registration, or limit "assault" weapon sales.
Nope. All they have to do is limit the amount of ammunition available to the civilian market, and when bullets dry up, guns will be useless.
Think we jest?
Here are copies of two letters sent to Georgia Arms just Thursday evening--effectivel y cancelling a contract he had to purchase 30,000 pounds of expended military brass in .223, 7.62mm, and .50 caliber:
Dear Valued Customer:
Please take a moment to note important changes set forth by the Defense Logistics Agency:
Recently it has been determined that fired munitions of all calibers, shapes and sizes have been designated to be Demil code B. As a result and in conjunction with DLA's current Demil code B policy, this notice will serve as official notification which requires Scrap Venture (SV) to implement mutilation as a condition of sale for all sales of fired munitions effective immediately. This notice also requires SV to immediately cease delivery of any fired munitions that have been recently sold or on active term contracts, unless the material has been mutilated prior to sale or SV personnel can attest to the mutilation after delivery. A certificate of destruction is required in either case.
Thank you,
DOD Surplus 15051 N Kierland Blvd # 300 Scottsdale, AZ 85254
March 12, 2009
Larry Haynie Georgia Arms PO Box 238 Villa Rica, GA 30180
Re: Event 7084-6200:
Dear Larry Haynie,
Effective immediately DOD Surplus, LLC, will be implementing new requirements for mutilation of fired shell casings. The new DRMS requirement calls for DOD Surplus personnel to witness the mutilation of the property and sign the Certificate of Destruction. Mutilation of the property can be done at the DRMO, if permitted by the Government, or it may be mutilated at a site chosen by the buyer. Mutilation means that the property will be destroyed to the extent prevents its reuse or reconstruction. DOD Surplus personnel will determine when property has been sufficiently mutilated to meet the requirements of the Government.
If you do not agree with the new conditions of your spot sale, please sign the appropriate box provided below stating that you do not agree to the new terms and would like to cancel your purchase effective immediately. If you do agree to the new terms please sign in the appropriate box provided below to acknowledge your understanding and agreement with the new requirements relating to your purchase. Fax the signed document back to (480) 367-1450, emailed responses are not acceptable.
Please respond to this request no later than close of business Monday, March 16th, 2009.
Sincerely,
Government Liquidation.
Got that? From now on, remanufacturers of military brass will not be able to buy surplus brass from DOD--actually from Government Liquidators, llc.--the corporation that sells surplus materials for the U.S. government. At least, not in any form recognizable as once-fired brass ammunition.
Now all brass ammunition will have to be shredded, and sold as scrap.
Georgia Arms, who brought this to our attention, is the 5th largest ammunition manufacturer of centerfire pistol and rifle ammunition in the U.S.
"We're right up there behind Hornady," Larry Haynie told me.
He also told me with the cancellation of his contract to purchase this brass, and the ending of his ability to purchase any more expended military ammunition, he will have to severely curtail his operation--laying off approximately half his 60-person work force.
Haynie further pointed out this move is a stupendous waste of taxpayer money--reducing the worth of the brass some 80%--from casings, to shredded bulk brass.
He stated most of this will now go to foundries where it will be melted down, cast in shippable forms, and likely be sold to China, one of the largest purchasers of U.S. metals on the open market.
Haynie was manufacturing over 1 million rounds of .223 ammunition every month, which he sold on the civilian market to resellers, and to law enforcement agencies across the country.
He will start tomorrow sending cancellations of orders for .223 to law enforcement agencies all over the country.
You can expect this to affect every bullet you purchase in the future--with no reloaded ammunition available, the already strained new manufacturers will be unable to meet demand. They are already turning out everything they can build for the military market. The civilian market is stressed to the point even reloading components have become hard to find.
Now, with this hit, ammunition prices will go through the roof in the next year.
Your quality piece, sitting in your gun rack, will become a very expensive wood and steel, or plastic and steel club.
What can you do?
Google "contact members of Congress" or simply type in www.congress. org. When you reach that site, type in your zip code--it will give you all your representatives, senators, and their web pages.
Or you can find the addresses and e-mails of your own senators and congressmen by going to www.senate.gov and www.house.gov. Both pages have locator aids at the top of the page.
Here is a letter I just sent to Representative Bill Cassidy, Congressman from the 6th District of Louisiana, and Senator David Vitter of Louisiana. I will be sending it to every member of our congressional delegation. Feel free to copy it and paste in your own e-mail, sending it to your legislators.
We have to stop this now!
The Honorable Bill Cassidy Member of Congress from Louisiana
Dear Congressman Cassidy:
It has come to my attention that the Department of Defense has issued a directive that all expended military brass (fired cases) will now be shredded and sold for scrap material, rather than resold by Government Liquidators LLC to the civilian market for remanufacture.
You may not be aware of it, but there is a severe shortage of ammunition available for sale to the public across the country, causing problems for shooters, hunters, and reloaders everywhere.
Now, apparently the Obama administration, realizing they cannot move against private firearms ownership since the landmark decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Washington D.C./Heller case, has made their move in another way.
By cutting off the resale of expended military ammunition to remanufacturers, they have put a stranglehold on the nation's ammunition supply.
Further, they have reduced the return to the government on expended brass by 80%. What was sold for remanufacturer at a fair return to the government, will now cost the taxpayers untold sums of money as the cost of scrap brass is far below the price per pound for expended military ammunition.
In addition, the use of remanufactured ammunition is a huge asset to law enforcement agencies across the country who buy millions of rounds of reloaded ammunition a year from these manufacturers for practice rounds.
With this market gone, law enforcement will no longer be able to purchase inexpensive reloaded ammunition, and with the continuing combat status of military forces across the Middle East, original manufacturers of new ammunition are turning out everything they can make to the government, thus exacerbating the shortage of new ammunition in both the civilian and law enforcement market.
Lastly, in these harsh economic times, does it not strike you as cold and calculating that the Obama administration has no compunction against ruining an industry that employs thousands of American citizens in the remanufacturing of sporting and military ammunition. One major resupplier, Georgia Arms, the fifth largest manufacturer of centerfire pistol and rifle ammunition has informed me he will have to quickly lay off half his 60-person workforce, as he has had to cancel contracts with dozens of police agencies who had contracted with him to supply them with remanufactured .223 ammunition.
Georgia Arms has been practically put out of business by this directive that all expended military brass must be shredded. His current contracts have been canceled, and he is notifying his customers across the country he can no longer supply their ammunition needs.
Please look into this immediately. This move by the Obama administration is nothing but a back-door strike against firearms ownership in this country--if shooters can't buy ammunition, the guns are little better than steel clubs--and this is obviously the intent.
Thank you for your time and efforts in this serious attack against the Second Amendment rights of the American citizenry.
Sincerely,
Gordon Hutchinson
Author "The Great New Orleans Gun Grab"
Firearms Columnist for Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Mississippi Sportsman magazines.
THE BILL OF RIGHTS Amendments 1-10 of the Constitution
The Conventions of a number of the States having, at the time of adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added, and as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government will best insure the beneficent ends of its institution;
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States; all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the said Constitution, namely:
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.
No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.
NEWS RELEASE
Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms 12500 N.E. Tenth Place Bellevue, WA 98005
CCRKBA, BARR TELL HOLDER: ‘BACK OFF’ ON SEMI-AUTO BAN RHETORIC
For Immediate Release: March 6, 2009
BELLEVUE, WA – Calling the ban on semiautomatic firearms “a bad, and totally unnecessary, lapsed federal law,” former Congressman Bob Barr is urging Attorney General Eric Holder to back away from a plan to renew that onerous idea, and the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms is joining in the effort.
“While we opposed Holder’s nomination as Attorney General and Barr supported him,” said CCRKBA Chairman Alan Gottlieb, “we stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Barr in opposing the ridiculous notion that the ban be resurrected and made permanent.
“The ban on so-called ‘assault weapons’ by Bill Clinton and the Democrats was a bad idea in 1994,” he recalled, “and it is an even worse idea today. We needn’t remind House Speaker Nancy Pelosi about the mid-term election consequences of the 1994 ban.”
Barr was among dozens of pro-gun challengers swept into Congress by angry gun owners in November 1994. He served from 1995 until 2003. The former Congressman sent a letter to Holder on March 3 in which he explained that pushing for a renewal of the ban “would be inconsistent in my view with the clear mandate you enjoy to restore integrity and confidence in the government of which you are an important part.” He encouraged Holder to instead devote his energies to “restoring the civil liberties of American citizens” that have been eroded over the past several years.
“Many law-abiding gun owners voted for Barack Obama,” Gottlieb added, “taking his word that, as president, he would not come after their guns. Renewing the senseless ban on sport-utility firearms and original capacity magazines would betray the trust of those voters, and Holder should understand that.
“We’re delighted that Bob Barr, who supported Holder’s nomination, has added his considerable influence to this debate,” Gottlieb stated. “With Barr squarely in the corner of American gun owners – millions of whom own the kinds of firearms that would be affected by such a ban – hopefully we will prevail and the Obama administration will find more useful endeavors.”
With more than 650,000 members and supporters nationwide, the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms is one of the nation’s premier gun rights organizations. As a non-profit organization, the Citizens Committee is dedicated to preserving firearms freedoms through active lobbying of elected officials and facilitating grass-roots organization of gun rights activists in local communities throughout the United States. The Citizens Committee can be reached by phone at (425) 454-4911, on the Internet at www.ccrkba.org or by email to InformationRequest@ccrkba.org.
Man arrested near Capitol with guns, sword
My colleague Sarah Abruzzese reports:
The United States Capitol Police arrested a driver near the Capitol on Tuesday around 4 p.m.
A search of the vehicle found: Two long guns, three handguns and a sword, according to Sgt. Kimberly Schneider, the spokeswoman for the USCP. Charges against the driver are pending.
UPDATE:
Capitol Police Just Released This Statement:
At approximately 2:20 pm today, a driver approached a U.S. Capitol Police officer for directions at Third Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. Upon further investigation, the vehicle was deemed suspicious and the driver was detained for further questioning. He was arrested without incident and transported to USCP headquarters for processing.
Out of an abundance of caution, the U.S. Capitol Police swept the vehicle that was driven to ensure that nothing of a hazardous nature was found. All tests were clear with nothing hazardous found. A search of the vehicle incident to arrest recovered two long rifles, three handguns, one sword, and several other items of concern.
The subject is identified as 49-year-old Timothy Whitfield of Long Beach, California. Whitfield has been charged with Carrying a Pistol Without a License, Possession of Unregistered Ammunition, Possession of Unregistered Firearm.
WEAPONS OF CHOICE Prof calls cops when student mentions guns in speech 'If you can't talk about the 2nd Amendment, what happened to the 1st Amendment?'
A professor at a Connecticut school has sparked controversy by calling police when a student talked about the Second Amendment during a class speech.
The report comes from the Recorder, a newspaper at Central Connecticut State University, which cited the case of student John Wahlberg.
The student was fulfilling an assignment for his Communications 140 class that required him to discuss a "relevant issue in the media" when he and two other students on a team chose to talk about school violence, including recent events such as the 2007 shootings that left nearly three dozen people dead at Virginia Tech University.
Wahlberg made the point during his Oct. 3, 2008, class presentation that if students were allowed to carry concealed weapons on campus, the violence could have been stopped earlier. He discussed the concept of college campus gun-free zones.
That evening, the Recorder said, Wahlberg got a call from campus police officers who "requested" his presence at their station. When he arrived, officers listed firearms that were registered to him and asked him where they were.
Apparently his professor, Paula Anderson, had filed a campus police department complaint about his speech. Police officers reported she said students were "scared and uncomfortable" during his presention.
Wahlberg told the newspaper he wasn't worried, "because as a law-abiding gun owner, I have a thorough understanding of state gun laws as well as unwavering safety practices."
But he said he was hit with a "general sense of disbelief" when officers listed his guns.
Anderson, in a written comment, said, "It is also my responsibility as a teacher to protect the well being of our students, and the campus community at all times. As such, when deemed necessary because of any perceived risks, I seek guidance and consultation from the chair of my department, the dean and any relevant university officials."
Wahlberg doesn't believe the fancy explanation is any reason to file a complaint.
"I don't think that Professor Anderson was justified in calling the CCSU police over a clearly nonthreatening matter. Although the topic of discussion may have made a few individuals uncomfortable, there was no need to label me as a threat," he told the newspaper.
"The actions of Professor Anderson made me so uncomfortable, that I didn't attend several classes. The only appropriate action taken by the professor was to excuse my absences."
Sara Adler of the on-campus marksmanship club asked, "If you can't talk about the Second Amendment, what happened to the First Amendment?"
According to a Fox News report, Wahlberg, 23 and a senior, knows guns are prohibited on the school campus and in residence halls, but he lives 20 miles away and keeps his weapons in a safe.
Robert Shibley, vice president of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, said, "If all he did was discuss reasons for allowing guns on campus, it seems a bit much to call the police and grill him about it.
"If you go after students for just discussing an idea, that goes against everything a university is supposed to stand for," he said.
Yesterday, the United States Senate voted, with overwhelming bipartisan support, to adopt an amendment offered by Nevada Senator John Ensign (R), that seeks to protect the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding citizens in the District of Columbia. The amendment, attached to S.160, the "D.C. Voting Rights Act", will repeal restrictive gun control laws passed by the District of Columbia's (D.C.) city council in defiance of the landmark D.C. v. Heller Supreme Court decision. The vote margin was 62-36.
"Today's votebrings us one step closer to restoring the gun rights of law-abiding D.C. residents," said NRA-ILA Executive Director Chris W. Cox."It's ludicrous that good people in our nation's capital continue to be harassed as they try to defend themselves and their loved ones in their own homes.This vote reinforces the historic Heller ruling."
Since the Supreme Court struck down D.C.'s ban on handguns and on having guns in operable condition within the home in last year's Heller decision, the District passed a series of temporary "emergency" bills that failed to comply with the Court's ruling, followed by a permanent law (which will take effect in April unless blocked) that imposes even more restrictions on D.C. gun owners. (A temporary "emergency" law that mirrors the restrictive permanent law is currently in effect.) In particular:
The new law enacts sweeping bans, borrowed wholesale from California, on hundreds of models of semi-automatic firearms, and on standard-capacity magazines widely owned for lawful self-defense purposes.
The new law also bans the sale of handguns deemed "unsafe" by California, based on California's legal standards. Individuals would only be able to acquire handguns that are on the "California Roster of Handguns Certified for Sale." This provision includes a "microstamping" mandate that would require use of unproven technology and would likely prevent sale of most new models of handguns in D.C. after January 1, 2011.
Though D.C. has always argued for its own sovereignty, these provisions give the legislature of California and the officials of the California Department of Justice all control over which handguns may be sold in the District. D.C. gun owners would be at the whim of bureaucrats in Sacramento, who regularly change these rules to prohibit sales of more models of firearms.
Many of the guns that are prohibited under D.C.'s new law are both "in common use" throughout the United States and "typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes," which the Supreme Court in Heller suggested was the standard for constitutional protection.
The new law makes D.C.'s complicated, intrusive and expensive registration procedure even more complicated, to discourage people from attempting to register a handgun. Among other provisions, it requires gun owners to report annually to the Metropolitan Police that they still own their guns.
The new limits include a limit of one handgun registration per 30 days; a provision that rations constitutional rights and that has failed to reduce crime in the few states that have enacted similar laws.
The Ensign Amendment is narrowly drawn to enforce the Supreme Court's Heller decision and prevent the District government from further burdening the Second Amendment rights of its residents.
The Ensign Amendment will:
Conform D.C. gun laws to the requirements set out by the Supreme Court.The D.C. Council had the opportunity to conform its laws to the ruling, but its new laws add major burdens on residents' Second Amendment rights.
Reform the District's firearm registration regime, which the District's new law makes even more complicated and intrusive.Firearm registration also has no crime-prevention benefit, as demonstrated by the fact that all, or nearly all, firearms used in violent crimes in D.C. are not registered.
The underlying question of whether Congress can grant representation to D.C. will ultimately be resolved in the courts. As a single-issue organization, NRA takes no position on voting rights for D.C., but we are obviously concerned about ensuring the Second Amendment Right to Keep and Bear Arms is functionally returned D.C. residents. Thus, we were supportive of Sen. Ensign's efforts, and pleased the amendment was adopted.Fortunately, the Ensign amendment contains a severability clause, so it would remain standing even if the courts reject Congress's attempt to give congressional representation to D.C. residents.
"NRA would like to thank the lead sponsor, Senator John Ensign for his efforts to reform D.C.'s gun laws and enable folks to protect their property and their loved ones," concluded Cox."It's time for leaders in Washington to wake up to the fact that the Supreme Court decision is now the law of the land."
Please contact your Senators and thank them if they voted in favor of the Ensign Amendment.If your Senators voted against this critical measure, please remind them you will remember this vote on Election Day.You can reach your Senators at (202) 224-3121.For more contact information for your U.S. Senators, please click here.
Copyright 2009, National Rifle Association of America, Institute for Legislative Action. This may be reproduced. It may not be reproduced for commercial purposes. Contact Us | Privacy & Security Policy
Office of Congressman Dan Boren United States Congress House of Representatives
For Immediate Release: Thursday, February, 26, 2009
Contact: Cole Perryman (202) 225-2701
SECOND AMENDMENT TASK FORCE RESPONDS TO ATTORNEY GENERAL’S COMMENTS ON ASSAULT WEAPONS
WASHINGTON D.C. - U.S. Congressman Dan Boren, (OK-2) and U.S. Congressman Paul Broun, (GA-10), Co-Chairs of the Second Amendment Task Force (SATF) in the U.S. House of Representatives, released the following statements regarding Attorney General Eric Holder’s recent comments on the possibility of the Obama Administration seeking to reinstate a ban on sales of assault weapons.
Congressman Boren “The Second Amendment Task Force is adamantly opposed to reinstating the ban on the sale of assault weapons as it clearly would demonstrate a violation of United States citizens’ right to keep and bear arms. The Constitution absolutely does not outline any provision to restrict ownership of a gun belonging to a specific category. I will diligently work with my colleagues on the Second Amendment Task Force to defeat any form of legislation in Congress that poses a threat to the Second Amendment.”
Congressman Paul Broun “The Attorney General’s recent comments about reinstating the ‘assault weapons’ ban are extremely troubling since a ban clearly violates our Constitutional right to bear arms. The Second Amendment Task Force opposes the discussed ban and will fight any attempts that infringe on our Second Amendment rights.”
The Second Amendment Task Force was created in the 111th Congress to monitor legislation regarding the Second Amendment in the U.S. House of Representatives. It acts as a unified and proactive force to promote legislation that protects the Second Amendment and to fight legislation that poses a threat to citizens’ Constitutional right to keep and bear arms.
The bipartisan task force includes a group of Members from a wide spectrum of backgrounds that represent a large geographical area:
Democrats Rep. Dan Boren (D-OK), Task Force Co-Chair Rep. Jason Altmire (D-PA) Rep. Travis Childers (D-MS) Rep. Brad Ellsworth (D-IN) Rep. Jim Matheson (D-UT) Rep. Mike McIntyre (D-NC)
Republicans Rep. Paul Broun (R-GA), Task Force Co-Chair Rep. Rep. Rob Bishop (R-UT) Rep. John Carter (R-TX) Rep. John Boozman (R-AR) Rep. Steve King (R-IA) Rep. Steve Scalise (R-LA)
Semi-Automatic Rifle Ban Would Reduce Jobs, Not Crime
Firearms Industry Reminds Congress to Respect Second Amendment Rights
NEWTOWN, Conn. -- Responding to Attorney General Eric Holder's comment yesterday that the Obama Administration will attempt to reinstate a ban against semi-automatic rifles, the National Shooting Sports Foundation reminded Congress and all Americans that such a ban would cause jobs to be lost in a difficult economy, have no effect on reducing crime and would deprive millions of law-abiding sportsmen and gun owners of their Constitutional right to own the firearm of their choice.
Holder made his comments in connection with criminals supplying illegal guns from the United States to drug dealers in Mexico.
"The problem of criminals breaking the law to acquire firearms and illegally smuggling them across the border is not remedied by legislation that would violate the rights of Americans to own semi-automatic firearms," said Steve Sanetti, president of NSSF, the trade association of the firearms industry.
"These types of firearms, which are erroneously called 'assault weapons,' are used by millions of Americans for hunting, sporting and personal defense purposes," Sanetti added. "We can only conclude that certain officials are waiting for any politically advantageous excuse to announce the intention to seek a new ban on sporting rifles, a ban that would break the president's campaign promise to gun owners that 'I'm not going to take away your guns.'"
The industry and firearms owners were understandably outraged by Holder's comments yesterday, and today even House Speaker Nancy Pelosi backed away from the idea of a new gun ban. "On that score, I think we need to enforce the laws we have right now," said Pelosi, surprisingly taking the position of pro-gun advocates.
Holder's use of the inaccurate term "assault weapons" is one that is deliberately used by gun-ban advocates to create confusion between legally sold, semi-automatic rifles and look-a-like, fully automatic military versions. While the civilian version of these rifles may resemble their military counterparts, the civilian rifle fires only one round with each pull of the trigger. Additionally, these rifles fire ammunition calibers no more powerful than traditional-looking sporting arms. Civilian access to fully automatic machine guns has been severely restricted since 1934.
Studies show that the ban against sporting firearms, known as the Assault Weapons Ban, that was in place from 1994 to 2004 did not reduce crime. Furthermore, there has been no increase in crime involving these types of firearms since Congress allowed the ban to expire.
A ban on sporting firearms also would have a severe effect on jobs and the economy. Sales of semi-automatic rifles have been strong over the last several months -- overall sales of firearms have increased as much as 42 percent -- and have allowed companies in the firearms industry to withstand, to some extent, the downturn in the economy.
"These semi-automatic rifles are the most popular rifle in America today and they are largely behind the recent increase in firearms sales," said Sanetti. "This is a bright spot in our economy and has helped save jobs in our industry."
Since the election last November gun owners have feared the Obama Administration would seek legislation that would infringe on their Second Amendment rights. "It appears gun owners' fears were well-founded given Attorney General Holder's comment that the Obama Administration will seek new restrictions on gun owners. A new gun ban would fly in the face of last year's Supreme Court decision in the Heller case that reaffirmed the Second Amendment right of all Americans to keep and bear arms," said Lawrence G. Keane, NSSF senior vice president and general counsel.
Well..... Didn't Idaho just tell the Feds to 'stick it where the sun doesn't shine'!! You go, Idaho!! Forward this to your state reps and ask them to follow Idaho's lead.
A JOINT MEMORIAL TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, AND TO THE CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION REPRESENTING THE STATE OF IDAHO IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
We, your Memorialists, the House of Representatives and the Senate of the State of Idaho assembled in the First Regular Session of the Sixtieth Idaho Legislature, do hereby respectfully represent that:
WHEREAS, the Second Amendment of the United States Constitution does not simply provide for a collective right or a right for the states to establish militias; rather it provides for the right of the people to keep and bear arms; and
WHEREAS, the primary purpose of the right to keep and bear arms is to protect one’s self, family and possessions from either the private lawlessness of other persons or the tyranny of government; and
WHEREAS, the right to keep and bear arms is also meant to protect the general private uses of firearms in activities such as hunting and other sporting activities; and
WHEREAS, the United States Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller, 128 S.Ct. 2783 (2008), recently struck down a firearms ban in the District of Columbia, explicitly ruling that the Second Amendment protects the right of the people to possess firearms for private use; and
WHEREAS, despite this ruling, legislation has been introduced in the United States House of Representatives calling for a system of mandatory federal licensing of all firearm owners; and
WHEREAS, the legislation introduced would require all firearm owners to apply for and carry a federally issued picture identification in order to keep any firearm in their homes; and
WHEREAS, the legislation introduced would make it a federal crime to keep a loaded firearm or an unloaded firearm and ammunition within any premises including, under certain circumstances, American homes where a child may be present; and
WHEREAS, the legislation introduced specifically purports to preempt any state or local law inconsistent with it; and
WHEREAS, the introduced legislation, Blair Holt’s Firearm Licensing and Record of Sale Act of 2009, is a direct imposition on each American’s individual right to keep and bear arms in their homes and for their protection.
NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED by the members of the First Regular Session of the Sixtieth Idaho Legislature, the House of Representatives and the Senate concurring therein, that members of the United States Congress cease and desist attempting to enact federal legislation impinging on the individual right of every American to keep and bear arms in any manner. Specifically, that members of Congress oppose the passage of the Firearm Licensing and Record of Sale Act of 2009, and any similar legislation.
BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Secretary of the Senate be, and she is hereby authorized and directed to forward a copy of this Memorial to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Congress, and the congressional delegation representing the State of Idaho in the Congress of the United States.
Why I Carry a Gun:
My old grandpa said to me son,' there comes a time in every man's life When he stops bustin' knuckles and starts bustin' caps and usually it's When he becomes too old to take an ass whoopin'. I don't carry a gun to kill people. I carry a gun to keep from being killed.
I don't carry a gun to scare people. I carry a gun because sometimes this world can be a scary place.
I don't carry a gun because I'm paranoid. I carry a gun because there are real threats in the world.
I don't carry a gun because I'm evil. I carry a gun because I have lived long enough to see the evil in the World.
I don't carry a gun because I hate the government. I carry a gun because I understand the limitations of government.
I don't carry a gun because I'm angry. I carry a gun so that I don't have to spend the rest of my life hating Myself for failing to be prepared.
I don't carry a gun because I want to shoot someone. I carry a gun because I want to die at a ripe old age in my bed, and Not on a sidewalk somewhere tomorrow afternoon.
I don't carry a gun because I'm a cowboy. I carry a gun because, when I die and go to heaven, I want to be a Cowboy.
I don't carry a gun to make me feel like a man. I carry a gun because men know how to take care of themselves and the Ones they love.
I don't carry a gun because I feel inadequate. I carry a gun because unarmed and facing three armed thugs, I am Inadequate.
I don't carry a gun because I love it. I carry a gun because I love life and the people who make it meaningful To me.
Police Protection is an oxymoron. Free citizens must protect themselves. Police do not protect you from crime, they usually just investigate the Crime after it happens and then call someone in to clean up the mess.
Personally, I carry a gun because I'm too young to die and too old to take an ass whoopin'.
(Author unknown - but obviously brilliant!)
A LITTLE GUN HISTORY
In 1929, the Soviet Union established gun control. From 1929 to 1953, about 20 million dissidents, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated. ------------ --------- ---------
In 1911, Turkey established gun control. From 1915 to 1917, 1.5 million Armenians, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated. ------------ --------- ---------
Germany established gun control in 1938 and from 1939 to 1945, a total of 13 million Jews and others who were unable to defend themselves were rounded up and exterminated. ------------ --------- ---------
China established gun control in 1935. From 1948 to 1952, 20 million political dissidents, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated ------------ --------- ---------
Guatemala established gun control in 1964. From 1964 to 1981, 100,000 Mayan Indians, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated. ---- ------------ - ------------ -
Uganda established gun control in 1970. From 1971 to 1979, 300,000 Christians, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated. ------------ --------- ---------
Cambodia established gun control in 1956. From 1975 to 1977, one million educated people, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated. ------------ --------- --------
Defenseless people rounded up and exterminated in the 20th Century because of gun control: 56+ million. ------------ --------- ---------
It has now been 12 months since gun owners in Australia were forced by new law to surrender 640,381 personal firearms to be destroyed by their own Government, a program costing Australia taxpayers more than $500 million dollars. The first year results are now in:
List of 7 items:
Australia-wide, homicides are up 3.2 percent.
Australia-wide, assaults are up 8.6 percent.
Australia-wide, armed robberies are up 44 percent (yes, 44 percent)!
In the state of Victoria alone, homicides with firearms are now up 300 percent. Note that while the law-abiding citizens turned them in, the criminals did not, and criminals still possess their guns!
While figures over the previous 25 years showed a steady decrease in armed robbery with firearms, this has changed drastically upward in the past 12 months, since criminals now are guaranteed that their prey is unarmed.
There has also been a dramatic increase in break-ins and assaults of the ELDERLY. Australian politicians are at a loss to explain how public safety has decreased, after such monumental effort, and expense was expended in successfully ridding Australian society of guns. The Australian experience and the other historical facts above prove it.
You won't see this data on the US evening news, or hear politicians disseminating this information.
Guns in the hands of honest citizens save lives and property and, yes, gun-control laws adversely affect only the law-abiding citizens.
Take note my fellow Americans, before it's too late!
The next time someone talks in favor of gun control, please remind them of this history lesson.
With guns, we are 'citizens'. Without them, we are 'subjects'.
During WWII the Japanese decided not to invade America because they knew most Americans were ARMED!
If you value your freedom, please spread this anti-gun control message to all of your friends.
The purpose of fighting is to win. There is no possible victory in defense. The sword is more important than the shield, and skill is more important than either. The final weapon is the brain. All else is supplemental. SWITZERLAND ISSUES EVERY HOUSEHOLD A GUN! SWITZERLAND 'S GOVERNMENT TRAINS EVERY ADULT THEY ISSUE A RIFLE. SWITZERLAND HAS THE LOWEST GUN RELATED CRIME RATE OF ANY CIVILIZED COUNTRY IN THE WORLD!!! IT'S A NO BRAINER! DON'T LET OUR GOVERNMENT WASTE MILLIONS OF OUR TAX DOLLARS IN AN EFFORT TO MAKE ALL LAW ABIDING CITIZENS AN EASY TARGET.
I'm a firm believer of the 2nd Amendment! If you are too, please forward.
Edward Shippen
SHIPPEN, Edward, mayor of Philadelphia, born in Hillham, Cheshire, England, in 1639; died in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 2 October, 1712. He was the son of William Shippen. His brother, Reverend William Shippen, D. D., was rector of Stockport, Cheshire, and his nephew, Robert Shippen, D. D., was principal of Brasenose college, and vice-chancellor of Oxford university. Edward was bred to mercantile pursuits, and emigrated to Boston, Massachusetts, in 1668, where he became a wealthy merchant. In 1671 he became a member of the Ancient and honorable artillery company of Boston. He married Elizabeth Lybrand, a Quakeress, united with that sect, and shared the "jailings, whippings, and banishments, the fines and imprisonments," that were inflicted on the Quakers. In 1693 Mr. Shippen was either banished or driven to take refuge in Philadelphia. He did not quit Boston without erecting a memorial on "a green," near to "a pair of gallows, where several of our friends had suffered death fox' the truth, and were thrown into a hole." He asked leave of the magistrates to erect some more lasting monument there, but they were not willing. About the time he was leaving he gave a piece of land for a Friends' meeting-house, located in Brattles pasture, on Brattle street, near the site of the Quincey house, and on which was constructed the first brick church in Boston. In Philadelphia his wealth and character obtained for him position and influence. In 1695 he was elected to the assembly, and chosen speaker. In 1696 he was elected to the provincial council, of which he continued a member till his death, and for ten years he was the senior member.
He was commissioned a justice of the peace in the same year, and in 1697 a judge of the supreme court, and the presiding judge of the courts of common pleas and quarter sessions and the orphan's court. In 1701 he became mayor of Philadelphia, being so named in William Penn's city charter of that year, and during this year he was appointed by Penn to be one of his commissioners of property, which office Shippen held till his death.
As president of the council, he was the head of the government from May until December, 1703. In 1704, and for several years thereafter, he was chosen one of the aldermen, and from 1 June. 1705, till 1712 he was the treasurer of the city. He contracted his third marriage in 1706, which led to his withdrawal from the Society of Friends. His house long bore the name of "the Governor's House." It was built in the early rise of the city, received then the name of ' Shippen's Great House, ' while Shippen himself was proverbially distinguished for three great things--' the biggest person, the biggest house, and the biggest coach.' "
--His son, Joseph Shippen, born in Boston, 28 February, 1679 ; died in Philadelphia in 1741, lived in Boston until 1704, when he moved to Philadelphia. He was among the men of science in his day, and in 1727 he joined Benjamin Franklin in founding the Junto "for mutual information and the public good."
--Joseph's son, Edward Shippen, merchant, born in Boston, Massachusetts, 9 July, 1703; died in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 25 September, 1781, was brought up to mercantile pursuits by James Logan, and was in business with him in 1732. as Logan and Shippen; afterward with Thomas Lawrence, in the fur-trade, as Ship-pen and Lawrence. In 1744 he was elected mayor of the city. In 1745, and for several years thereafter, he was one of the judges of the court of common pleas. In May, 1752, he removed to Lancaster, where he was appointed prothonotary, and continued such until 1778. He had large transactions as paymaster for supplies for the British and provincial forces when they were commanded by General Forbes, General Stanwix, and Colonel Bouquet, and managed them with so much integrity as to receive public thanks in 1760. He was a county judge under both the provincial and state governments.
In early life he laid out and founded Shippensburg, Pennsylvania In 1746-'8 he was one of the founders of the College of New Jersey, and he was one of its first board of trustees, which post he resigned in 1767. He was also a subscriber to the Philadelphia academy (afterward the University of Pennsylvania), and was a founder of the Pennsylvania hospital and the American philosophical society. Mr. Shippen's advanced age prevented him from taking an active part, except as a committee-man, during the Revolution, yet his sentiments were warmly expressed in behalf of his country.-
William Shippen, another son of Joseph, physician, born in Philadelphia, 1 October, 1712; died in Germantown, Pennsylvania, 4 November, 1801, applied himself early in life to the study of medicine, for which he had a remarkable genius. He speedily obtained a large and lucrative practice, which he maintained throughout his life. He was a member of the Junto, and aided in founding the Pennsylvania hospital, of which he was the physician from 1753 till 1778, the Public academy, and its successor, the College of Philadelphia (now the University of Pennsylvania), being chosen in 1749 one of the first trustees of the academy. He was a trustee of the college in 1755-'79, and a member of the American philosophical society, of which he was vice-president in 1768, and for many years after. He was for nearly sixty years a member of the 2(1 Presbyterian church of Philadelphia, being (1742) one of its founders. On 20 November, 1778, he was chosen by the assembly of Pennsylvania to the Continental congress, and he was re-elected in 1779. He was for thirty years a trustee of Princeton college.
Dr. Shippen was notably liberal toward the poor, and, it is said, not only gave his professional art and medicines without charge, but oftentimes assisted them by donations from his purse. He retained his physical powers very late in life, and it is said that "at the age of ninety he would ride in and out of the city on horseback without an overcoat in the coldest weather."
--William's son, William, known as William Shippen the younger, physician, born in Philadelphia, 21 October, 1736; died in German-town, Pennsylvania, 11 July, 1808, was graduated at Princeton in 1754, and delivered the valedictory for his class. He studied medicine with his father until 1758., when he went to England, and studied under Dr. John and Dr. William Hunter and Dr. McKenzie, and in 1761 was graduated M. D. at Edinburgh. Returning to Philadelphia in 1762, he entered on the practice of his profession, and on 16 November, 1762, he began the first course of lectures on anatomy that was ever delivered in this country. The first were delivered at the state-house, and the subsequent ones in rooms that were constructed by his father for the purpose in the rear of the latter's residence. After the first lecture he made the following announcement in the "Pennsylvania Gazette ..... Dr. Shippen's anatomical lectures will begin to-morrow evening, at six o'clock, at his father's house in Fourth street. Tickets for the course to be had of the doctor at five pistoles each; and any gentlemen who incline to see the subject prepared for the lectures, and learn the art of dissecting, injecting, etc., are to pay five pistoles snore."
Dr. Shippen's school of anatomy was continued until 23 September, 1765, when he was chosen professor of anatomy and surgery in the newly established medical school of the College of Philadelphia, of which he was one of the founders. This was the first medical school in this country. Dr. Shippen retained this post till 1780, when he was elected professor of anatomy, surgery, and midwifery m the University of the state of Pennsylvania, and in 1791, on the union of these institutions, under the name of the University of Pennsylvania, he became professor of anatomy in the latter, retaining the place until 1806. On 15 July, 1776, he was appointed chief physician of the Flying camp. In March, 1777, he laid before congress a plan for the organization of a hospital department, which, with some modifications, was adopted, and on 11 April, 1777, he was unanimously elected "Director-General of all the Military Hospitals for the Armies of the United States." He was charged with an improper administration of the office, and arraigned before a military court, which led him to resign the post, 3 January, 1781.
The investigation did not develop any matters reflecting on his integrity. In 1778-'9, and again from 1791 till 1802, he was one of the physicians of the Pennsylvania hospital. He was for snore than forty years a member of the American philosophical society, in which he held the offices of curator and secretary. His skill and eloquence as a teacher, exercised during forty years in the first medical school in the country, made him widely known at home and abroad, and won for him permanent distinction and respect in the medical world.
--Edward Shippen, son of the second Edward, jurist, born in Philadelphia, 16 February, 1729; died there, 16 April, 1806, at the age of seventeen began the study of the law with Tench Francis, and, while pursuing his studies, drafted the first common recovery in Pennsylvania. In 1748 he went to London to complete his law studies at the Middle Temple, and, returning to Philadelphia, was admitted to the bar. On 22 November, 1752, he was appointed the vice admiralty, and in 1755 he became one of the commissioners to wait upon the "Paxton Boys," who were engaged in an insurrection, to persuade them to disperse, which mission was successful. He held several local offices until the Revolution. He took a deep interest in the provincial wars, and watched and recorded every occasion when the provincial troops were successful. In 1762 he was appointed prothonotary of the supreme court, retaining this post till the Revolution. He became a member of the provincial council in 1770, in which office he served for five years. During the war for independence he probably sympathized with the mother country, as he was, by order of the council, placed on his parole to give neither succor nor information to the enemy. He remained in Philadelphia during the British occupancy.
In May, 1784, he was appointed president judge of the court of common pleas, and in September of the same year he became a judge of the high court of errors and appeals, which latter office he retained until 1806, when the court was abolished. In 1785 he was chosen a justice for the dock ward of Philadelphia, and in the same year was appointed president of the court of quarter sessions of the peace and oyer and terminer. In 1791, at which time he was still at the head of the court of common pleas, he was appointed an associate justice of the supreme court, in which office he served till 1799. Governor McKean then nominated Judge Shippen to be the chief justice, which office he resigned in 1805. He "was a man of large views," said Chief-Justice Tilghman. "Everything that fell from that venerated man," said Judge Duncan, "is entitled to great respect."
The best extant portrait of him is that by Gilbert Stuart, now in the Corcoran gallery in Washington, and is represented in the accompanying vignette. To his pen we owe the first law reports in Pennsylvania. In 1790 he received the degree of LL. D. from the University of Pennsylvania, of which institution he was a trustee from 1791 till his death.
His third daughter, MARGARET Shippen born in Philadelphia in 1760; died in London, 24 August, 1804, was second wife of Benedict Arnold.
--Joseph, another son of the second Edward Shippen, soldier, born in Philadelphia, 30 October, 1732; died in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 10 February, 1810, was graduated at Princeton in 1753, and shortly afterward entered the provincial army, in which he rose to the rank of colonel, and served in the expedition that captured Fort DuQuesne. After the troops were disbanded he went to Europe, partly on a mercantile venture, but chiefly for travel. He returned to Philadelphia in 1761, and in the follow-in/ year was chosen to succeed the Reverend Richard Peters as secretary of the province, in which post he served until the Revolution, when the provincial council ceased to exist. He subsequently removed to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where in 1789 he became a judge of the county courts. He was fond of the fine arts, early noted Benjamin West's genius, and, with William Allen and other friends, greatly aided him with means for pursuing his artistic studies in Italy, for which West was grateful during life. He was for more than forty years a member of the American philosophical society.
--Edward, great-grandson of the second Edward Shippen, lawyer, born on his father's estate, "Elm Hill," Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 16 November, 1821, was the son of Dr. Joseph Galloway Shippen. He received an academical education, studied law, and, on 11 April, 1846, was admitted to the bar in Philadelphia, where he has since practiced, gaining reputation in his profession. Mr. Shippen is known for his active interest in education. He was for many years a member of the board of public education in Philadelphia, and from 1864 till 1869 its president. He has been a delegate to several national educational conventions, before some of which he has delivered important addresses. He is one of the founders of the Teachers' institute and of the Teachers' benevolent association of Philadelphia. By an appointment of the mikado, he was for many years in charge of the Japanese boys that were sent by the government of Japan to this country to be educated.
During the civil war he was chief of the educational department of the sanitary commission. During the Centennial exposition in 1876 Mr. Shippen was the president of the Chilian commission. For his benevolent, interest in the Italians in Philadelphia he received, on 10 October, 1877, from Victor Emanuel, the order of Cavaliere della Corona d'Italia. He is the president of the art club of Philadelphia. He is consul for the Argentine Republic, Chili, and Ecuador, at Philadelphia, and has filled these posts for many years. Several of Mr. Shippen's addresses on educational subjects have been published, among them one on the dedication of the Hollingsworth school, 31 October, 1867 (Philadelphia, 1867) ; "Compensation of Teachers" (1872); and "Educational Antiques" (1874).
--Edward, great-grandson of Chief-Justice Edward Shippen, surgeon, born in New Jersey, 18 June, 1826, is the son of Richard Shippen. He was graduated at Princeton in 1845, and at the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania in 1848, entered the navy as assistant surgeon, 7 August, 1849, and was commissioned surgeon, 26 April, 1861. He was on the "Congress" when she was destroyed by the "Merrimac" at Newport News, Virginia, and was injured by a shell, and in 1864-'5 was on the ironclad frigate "New Ironsides " in both attacks on Fort Fisher and the operations of Bermuda Hundred. He made the Russian cruise under Admiral Farragut, was commissioned medical inspector in 1871, was fleet-surgeon of the European squadron in 1871-'3, in charge of the Naval hospital in 1874-'7, commissioned medical director in 1876, and was president of the naval medical examining board at Philadelphia in 1880-'2.
Dr. Shippen has contributed largely to Hamersley's "Naval Encyclopaedia," the "United Service Magazine," and to kindred publications.
CHIEF JUSTICE EDWARD SHIPPEN
Tench Coxe and the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, 1787-1823
Tench Coxe, a member of the second rank of this nation's Founders and a leading proponent of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, wrote prolifically about the right to keep and bear arms. In this Article, the authors trace Coxe's story, from his early writings in support of the Constitution, through his years of public service, to his political writings in opposition to the presidential campaigns of John Adams and John Quincy Adams. The authors note that Coxe described the Second Amendment as guaranteeing an individual right, and believed that an individual right to bear arms was necessary for self-defense and hunting, as well as for militia purposes and protection against oppression by large standing armies.
The views of this important Founding Era political commentator and public servant inform the ongoing Second Amendment debate. The authors argue that Coxe's depiction of an individual right to bear arms encompassing hunting, self-defense, and the public militia power supports the "Standard Model" of the Second Amendment prevalent in the legal literature.
***
INTRODUCTION .............................................................. 348 I. "TO KEEP AND BEAR THEIR PRIVATE ARMS": THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION AND THE BILL OF RIGHTS .................................................. 353 A. Who Was Tench Coxe? ............................................... 353 B. Before the Constitutional Convention .............................. 357 C. Defending the Proposed Constitution ............................... 359 D. The Bill of Rights ................................................ 366 II. COXE'S SERVICE IN THE WASHINGTON AND ADAMS ADMINISTRATIONS AND THE ELECTION OF 1800 ........................................................ 368 III. ARMING THE MILITIA: COXE IN THE JEFFERSON AND MADISON ADMINISTRATIONS 374 A. Coxe's Concept of Federal Arms Policy for the Militia ............. 376 B. Coxe's Role in Arming the Militias ................................ 379 C. The Quality Controversy ........................................... 383 D. Coxe's Examination of the State of the American Firearms Industry . 387 IV. FIREARMS, GAME LAWS, AND MONARCHY ..................................... 389 CONCLUSION ................................................................ 398
Under medieval English law, common law pleadings in a civil case would proceed until the matter could be settled by the resolution of a single fact or question of law. [1] The continuing debate about whether the Second Amendment [2] guarantees a right of the American people to keep and bear arms, or a power of state governments to have a militia, likewise can be resolved by focusing on the political leader in the Early American Republic who wrote more than anyone else about the right to bear arms: Tench Coxe.
Tench Coxe, a Philadelphian, wrote numerous widely-circulated articles in favor of the new Constitution proposed in 1787 and, later, about the proposed Bill of Rights. He was appointed to subcabinet positions (just below a Cabinet Secretary) by Presidents Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison. In the Jefferson administration, his duties included procuring firearms for militiamen who could not afford to purchase their own weapons. From his appearance on the national stage in the late 1780s until his death in 1824, Coxe wrote prolifically, with his work appearing in major newspapers, in lengthy reports for Presidents, and in personal correspondence with leading political figures.
Today, Coxe is known to economic historians as a leading forerunner of the American Nationalist School of economics, with his advocacy of a "balanced" and self-sufficient national economy emphasizing both agriculture and manufacturing. [3]*349Coxe is known to political historians for his role in the election of 1800, during which he wrote articles charging President Adams with being sympathetic to monarchy. [4] To legal historians, Coxe is known best for his federalist writings in 1787-1788, in favor of the new Constitution. [5] The Supreme Court has quoted these writings approvingly [6] and Coxe has been recognized as one of the "other Federalists"-men such as John Dickinson, James Wilson, and Noah Webster-whose federalist writings, while not contributing as much to enduring political theory as did those of James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay in The Federalist, played a major role in winning popular support for the Constitution and in explaining what the Constitution meant to its contemporaries. [7]
Coxe also is central to the ongoing Second Amendment debate. In the past two decades, the once-ignored Second Amendment has been the subject of scores of law review articles. Almost all of these articles adopt what now is called the "Standard Model" of the Second Amendment-the interpretation that the Amendment guarantees the right of individual Americans to own and carry firearms. [8] In the *350Standard Model literature, Coxes is discussed frequently, [9] while critics of the Standard Model never acknowledge his existence or address his writings. [10] But even in the *351Standard Model literature, the focus has been almost exclusively on Coxe's writings in 1787 to 1789, in derogation of his subsequent writings and his service in the subcabinet, both of which reveal important aspects of what the right to keep and bear arms meant to its early advocates.
As the Standard Model has become a widely-shared consensus among legal scholars who have written on the Second Amendment, the competing "states' rights" theory of the Second Amendment has nearly vanished from legal literature. Instead, the opponents of the Standard Model have adopted what might be called the "nihilist theory" of the Second Amendment: The Second Amendment "had no real meaning." [11] Garry Wills first advanced this view in a New York Review of Books article in which he asserted that James Madison, author of the Second Amendment, had pulled a hoax on the entire nation: despite what Madison's contemporaries thought, the Second and Third Amendments have no content. [12] In a letter to the editor, Glenn Harlan Reynolds quoted the most contemporaneous known exposition of the Second Amendment-a newspaper article written by Tench Coxe just days after Madison introduced the Bill of Rights in Congress. [13] Coxe described the Second Amendment as an individual right; Madison wrote Coxe a letter praising *352Coxe's article. [14] Wills replied angrily that just because Madison wrote Coxe a nice letter approving Coxe's article "does not mean that Madison agreed with it." [15] Indeed, if Madison were so dishonest that he would defraud the American nation when writing the Bill of Rights, it would be reasonable to expect that Madison would also be less than forthright in his personal correspondence.
Thus, as Wills acknowledged implicitly, to accept Coxe's view is to accept the Standard Model. Wills was not right to dismiss Coxe so curtly. Tench Coxe certainly was not in the first-tier of historical importance with his friends James Madison and Thomas Jefferson; but the Dictionary of American Biography does conclude that Coxe "was a handsome, winning person, capable and versatile, high in the second rank of men of his day." [16]
The evidence for the Standard Model of the Second Amendment is overwhelming even without a consideration of Coxe. For example, there is no writing from 1787 to 1793 that states either the "states' rights" or the "nihilist" thesis. [17] All legal scholarship dating from the creation of the Second Amendment and extending through the first decades of the twentieth century considered the Second Amendment to guarantee an individual right. [18] Furthermore, the Supreme Court repeatedly has treated the Second Amendment as guaranteeing an individual right, and never as anything else. [19]
Still, Tench Coxe is important. No one in the early republic wrote more about the right to arms than did Coxe. Second Amendment topics discussed by Coxe include the nature of a "well regulated militia," the meaning of a "free state," the *353constitution of "the people," the penumbras of "keep" and "bear," and the "arms" protected from infringement.[20]
This Article is divided into four Parts, each of which corresponds to major developments in the republic's early history and to Coxe's attention to the right to keep and bear arms. Part I discusses Tench Coxe's emergence as a leading proponent of the Constitution. After tirelessly defending the proposed new government from anti-federalist criticism, he championed the Bill of Rights, including the Second Amendment. Part II considers Coxe's service in the Treasury Department of Presidents Washington and Adams, and concludes by highlighting Coxe's heralding of the Jeffersonian banner against President Adams in the 1800 election and his chastising of Adams for his alleged neglect of the militia.
Part III explores Coxe's role in arming the populace in order to avoid standing armies. As purveyor of public supplies under Presidents Jefferson and Madison, Tench Coxe encouraged the American firearms industry and procured arms for militias in the period leading up to the War of 1812. At the request of the Madison administration, Coxe undertook a thorough analysis of the American economy, including the role of the burgeoning gun manufacturers. Finally, Part IV reveals the aging warrior's effort to defeat the election of another Adams as president. Writing against the candidacy of John Quincy Adams, Coxe provided his most comprehensive exposition of the protection of the right to keep and bear arms accorded individuals in republics and of the infringement of this right by monarchies.
I. "To Keep and Bear their Private Arms": The Adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights
A. Who Was Tench Coxe?
Tench Coxe came from a family that continually held a leading role in public affairs. His great-grandfather Daniel Coxe was a physician to Charles II and to Queen Anne. [21] Although Daniel Coxe never left England, he served nominally as Governor of New Jersey by purchase of land, and bought other large tracts of land throughout America. [22] He attempted to settle a colony of Huguenots in Virginia, but failed. [23] Daniel Coxe's son, also named Daniel Coxe, served as a colonel in the British Army stationed in North America. [24] He settled in Pennsylvania and served, *354first, on the colony's Supreme Court, later, as Speaker of the Assembly and, still later, on the New Jersey Supreme Court. [25] Daniel Coxe was, as his grandson would be, a strong advocate of American unity. In 1722, he wrote a book proposing that an assembly of delegates from each state and a national executive could unite the American colonies. [26]
Tench Coxe's maternal grandfather was Tench Francis, "the undisputed leader of the Pennsylvania bar of his time," [27] whose eloquence earned him the appointment of attorney general of Pennsylvania in 1741. [28] One of Tench Coxe's uncles (by marriage) was Chief Justice Edward Shippen of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. [29] Coxe's cousin Tench Tilghman served as a negotiator with the Onandaga Indians on behalf of the Continental Congress, and then as aide-de-camp to General Washington throughout the Revolutionary War. [30] Through the Tilghmans, Tench Coxe was related to one of the leading families in Maryland and Pennsylvania, composed of outstanding lawyers who also served as militia officers and in the Continental Army. [31]
Tench Coxe was the twenty-year-old son of a merchant residing in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania when the War for Independence broke out in 1775. [32] Coxe's company carried on a thriving business with Loyalists and the British army when the British occupied Philadelphia [33]-a business which would have been impossible if the British military commanders had decided not to allow it.
There is no indication that young Tench Coxe played any role in the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention of 1776, during which delegates adopted a State Declaration of Rights stating: "That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and the state ...." [34] The Constitution also provided that " t he freemen of this commonwealth and their sons shall be trained and armed for its defence" [35] and that " the inhabitants of this state shall have liberty to fowl and hunt" in unenclosed lands. [36]
After radical Patriots took power, Coxe left Philadelphia for a few months only *355to return when British General Howe occupied the city in September 1777. [37] Coxe remained in Philadelphia after the British departed in 1778, and some Patriots credibly accused him of having Royalist sympathies and of having served briefly in the British army. [38] Although Coxe's trading successes during the period of British occupation lent considerable support to the charges, nothing came of the allegations, and the Revolution ended before Coxe became active in politics. [39] The Pennsylvania militia records of 1780, 1787, and 1788 listed Coxe as a militia private. [40]
Whatever Coxe's attitude during the first part of the Revolution in Pennsylvania, the events of the Revolution seem eventually to have influenced Coxe's political philosophy on the issue of men and arms, because most of what Coxe later wrote about the connection between arms and freedom was consistent with revolutionary Patriot philosophy. For example, Coxe, like the delegates who created Pennsylvania's 1776 Constitution and like other Patriots of revolutionary Pennsylvania, saw a direct connection between the right to hunt and the strength of the militia as a check on tyranny. [41]
When occupying Philadelphia in 1778, British General Howe had disarmed the population. [42] As reported in Philadelphia newspapers, General Gage had done the *356same to the citizens of Boston in 1775. [43] Although it is not known how Coxe reacted to the disarmament at the time, his later writings are aligned closely with the political *357philosophy of vehement opposition to firearms confiscation that Patriots of the time expressed in Philadelphia.
B. Before the Constitutional Convention
When the Revolution ended, Coxe formed the international merchant firm of Coxe & Frazier [44] and began to take an interest in political reform. In addition to playing a leading role in the Philadelphia Society for Alleviating the Miseries of Public Prisons, [45] Coxe served as secretary of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, [46] of which Benjamin Franklin was president. [47] In 1786, Coxe represented Pennsylvania by serving as the secretary for the Annapolis Convention, the effort to revise the Articles of Confederation, which set the stage for the constitutional convention the following year. [48] Coxe also was appointed to represent Pennsylvania in the Continental Congress. [49]
Firearms were among the many commodities dealt in for many years by the firm of Coxe & Frazier. A sample of business records from 1786 illustrates the *358company's involvement in the firearms businesses, and also reflects politico-military conditions at that time. Several New York militia companies lacked sufficient muskets of a common bore, and ordered two hundred stands from the firm. [50] The State of Georgia ordered five hundred stands of arms for the Georgia state militia, and a Southern distributor observed how dangerous conditions were in the deep South: "you apprehend they will want them for there is scarcely a doubt, but they will be engaged in an Indian war-if they should not purchase we apprehend this state South Carolina will ...." [51] A Northern distributor who ordered from Coxe likewise noted how the people were arming themselves in response to political instability: "The present uneasiness in Massachusetts Shays's Rebellion has caused a great demand for muskets, in consequence of which we have disposed of about three hundred of yours with bayonets & c at three dollars each ...." [52] Like most others in the arms business, Coxe made arms for private purchase (the firearms sold in Massachusetts), for state militias (Georgia), and for local militia groups (New York).
In the summer of 1787, while the constitutional convention met in Philadelphia, Coxe presented a paper urging industrial development to the Society for Political Enquiries at the house of Benjamin Franklin. [53] The paper presaged the major role Coxe would play in the Jefferson and Madison administrations by promoting an early version of American industrial policy. [54] Among the articles that he promoted for domestic manufacture were gunpowder and ironworks. [55] While the convention was meeting, Coxe delivered a major address about the need for government to promote invention. Madison probably knew of Coxe's remarks, as Madison soon after proposed to the Constitutional Convention that Congress should have authority to encourage discoveries through premiums and provisions. [56]
Less than ten days after the constitutional convention in Philadelphia ended, Tench Coxe began defending the Constitution in a series of essays published in the Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer and reprinted throughout the United States. [57] He sent the first two essays to James Madison in New York, explaining: "My anxiety in favor of the new federal Constitution has induced me to attempt some comments on it, that might render it more clear and agreeable to the people at large .... [58] Madison responded: "I have received & perused with much pleasure the remarks on the proposed Constitution for the U.S. which you have been so good as to favor me with." [59] Madison promised to see that the articles were republished in Virginia and kept his promise. [60]
Justice William Brennan, citing one of Coxe's essays about the jurisdiction of federal courts, noted that Coxe had been "widely reprinted" during the ratification debates. [61] Justice White described Coxe's essays as "the first major defense of the Constitution published in the United States." [62] Coxe's biographer Jacob Cooke elaborated upon the importance of Coxe's writings: "Although Coxe's essays were not in the same literary league as The Federalist , they perhaps were contemporaneously more influential, precisely because they were less scholarly and thus easier for most readers to follow.... As Madison, Rush, and other contemporaries recognized, Coxe's writings ... contributed materially to the Constitution's adoption." [63]
While some historians in previous decades tended to look only to the authors of The Federalist (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay) to understand the arguments made for ratification of the Constitution, modern historians have a broader view; many recognize Tench Coxe-along with writers such as James *360Wilson, John Dickinson, Noah Webster, and others-as a leading defender of the Constitution, one of the influential "other" Federalists who played a major role in shaping the debate over the Constitution. [64] Indeed, even Garry Wills admits that Tench Coxe "coordinated the efforts at ratification, establishing a network of communications with federalists everywhere." [65] Thus, it is not surprising that Coxe has been discussed and cited many times by legal historians-including scholars as diverse as Michael McConnell [66] and Herbert Hovenkamp [67]-regarding the original understanding of the Constitution.
In the fourth of a series of essays defending the Constitution, Coxe argued that, should tyranny threaten, the "friends to liberty ... using those arms which Providence has put into their hands, will make a solemn appeal to 'the power above."' [68] Hence, the new Constitution did not need a declaration of rights any more than the Articles of Confederation did: "Neither of them have a bill of rights, nor does either notice the liberty of the press, because they are already provided for by the State Constitutions; and relating only to personal rights, they could not be mentioned in a contract among sovereign states." [69] As for the alleged danger of a standing army: "The militia, who are in fact the effective part of the people at large, will render many troops quite unnecessary. They will form a powerful check upon *361the regular troops, and will generally be sufficient to over-awe them ...." [70] Coxe wrote Madison of this installment:
At the request of Mr. Wilson, Dr. Rush and another friend or two I added a 4th. paper, calculated to shew the general advantages & obviate some of the Objections to the System.... [I] wish that you and Col. H[amilton] may make any use of them, which you think will serve the cause. [71]
Madison replied that he had disposed of the papers as directed and had given copies to Alexander Hamilton: "I have no doubt that he will make the best use of them.... The 4th is a valuable continuation, and I shall be equally desirous of seeing it in the Virginia Gazettes; and indeed in those of every State." [72] The installment was published widely, [73] and the series circulated as a vital part of the national debate. [74]
The argument that the militia would be sufficient to over-awe a standing army was persuasive in Pennsylvania, [75] the first state to call a convention. But antifederalists *362at the convention were not convinced. As John Smilie warned: "Congress may give us a select militia which will, in fact, be a standing army-or Congress, afraid of a general militia, may say there shall be no militia at all. When a select militia is formed; the people in general may be disarmed." [76] James Wilson, who had urged Coxe to write "An American Citizen IV," contended that the Constitution already allowed for the ultimate force in the people: " In its principles, it is surely democratical; for, however wide and various the firearms of power may appear, they may all be traced to one source, the people." [77]
The Pennsylvania Convention adopted the Constitution in mid-December of 1787, but not without strong opposition. [78] A large number of delegates had opposed the new Constitution, especially if it were not to contain a bill of rights. The anti-federalist delegates explained their reasoning in The Dissent of the Minority of the Convention. [79] The Pennsylvania minority castigated the majority for not allowing the proposal of amendments-in particular a bill of rights, which would have provided in part: That the people have a right to bear arms for the defense of themselves and their own state, or the United States, or for the purpose of killing game; and no law shall be passed for disarming the people or any of them, unless for crimes committed, or real danger of public injury from individuals .... [80]
Coxe immediately set out to refute the objections of the convention minority. Under a pen-name, "Philanthropos," Coxe pointed out that the Pennsylvania minority's demand for a bill of rights had not (yet) been raised by prominent antifederalists in other states:
The right of the people to fish, fowl and hunt, the freedom of speech, provision against disarming the people, a declaration of the subordination of the military to the civil power, annual elections of representatives, and the organization and call of the militia, are considered by the minority of our convention, as on an exceptionable footing; but none of these are even mentioned by [G]overnor Randolph, [M]r. Mason or [M]r. Gerry. [81] Coxe further contended, in another article, that the minority's fear of the federal standing army was ridiculous, as was the minority's fear that the Congress might disarm the people:
The power of the sword, say the minority of Pennsylvania, is in the hands of Congress. My friends and countrymen, it is not so, for THE POWERS OF THE SWORD ARE IN THE HANDS OF THE YEOMANRY OF AMERICA FROM SIXTEEN TO SIXTY. [82] The militia of these free commonwealths, entitled and accustomed to their arms, when compared with any possible army, must be tremendous and irresistible. Who are the militia? are they not ourselves. Is it feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man against his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birthright of an American. What clause in the state or federal constitution hath given away that important right.... T he unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the foederal or state governments, but where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people. [83]
Of this series, Coxe's modern biographer has written: "The articles signed 'A Pennsylvanian' were Coxe's most noteworthy contribution to the ratification debate and invite comparison to the best of the literature spawned by that controversy, including the Federalist essays, which Coxe approvingly quoted and to which his work was superior in its treatment of some subjects." [84] It is possible that Coxe influenced the writers of The Federalist, because Madison and Hamilton had read and disseminated his publications before composing their own, and there is some similarity among them in treatment of subject matter. [85] For instance, after having read "An American Citizen IV," Hamilton argued in The Federalist No. 29 that an "army can never be formidable to the liberties of the people while there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, inferior to them in discipline and the use of arms, who stand ready to defend their own rights and those of their fellow- citizens." [86]
Such was the cross-fertilization of ideas that, before Coxe published his thoughts on the power of the sword in the hands of the people, Madison had sent Coxe The Federalist No. 46. [87] Madison rejected fears of a federal standing army, because to a regular army "would be opposed a militia amounting to near half a million of citizens with arms in their hands." [88] Madison lauded "the advantage of being armed, which the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation." [89] That the federal standing army would be held in awe by popular militias ready to defend strong state governments and individual liberty was part of the pro-Constitution philosophy developed by Coxe, Madison, Hamilton, and other federalists. [90]
*365Among the advantages Coxe saw in the new Constitution was the fact that ex post facto laws "are exploded by the new system." [91] The explicit prohibition on ex post facto laws would raise peoples' consciousness of their rights and encourage them to armed revolt against any future government that attempted to impose ex post facto laws:
If a time of public contention shall hereafter arrive, the firm and ardent friends to liberty may know the length to which they can push their noble opposition, on the foundation of the laws. Should their country's cause impel them further, they will be acquainted with the hazard, and using those arms which Providence has put into their hands, will make a solemn appeal to "the power above." [92] In other essays written in response to the objections of the Pennsylvania minority, Coxe argued that the new federal government would not be able to interfere with the state militias, because the Constitution provided that each state would train its own militia and choose the officers for its militia. [93] *366 D. The Bill of Rights
Federalists cited the existing guarantees for personal rights in the state constitutions, [94] the presence of an armed populace, [95] and the lack of a granted power in the proposed Constitution to infringe upon individual liberties [96] as precluding the need for a bill of rights. In keeping with this approach, Coxe questioned the wisdom of considering amendments before the experiment had been tried. [97]
In 1788 Coxe served as one of Pennsylvania's last delegates to the Continental Congress, which held its final session early the following year. [98] In the meantime, the requisite nine states ratified the Constitution. [99] As a compromise with the Constitution's opponents, who agreed not to oppose the Constitution further, many federalists reversed their opposition to a bill of rights in order to entice the remaining states to ratify. On June 8, 1789, in the newly formed U.S. House of Representatives, James Madison proposed a bill of rights that included the following:
The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well armed, and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to render military service in person. [100]
Coxe was in an excellent position to know what Congress was doing; he was living in New York City (where the first Congress was meeting) and was serving as an unofficial policy advisor to several leading congressmen. [101] In this capacity, he *367helped shape the Judiciary Act of 1789, which created the lower federal courts; legislation regarding the President's power to remove his appointees; and the patent bill. [102]
Perhaps alerted to Madison's proposals in advance of the general public, within ten days "A Pennsylvanian" again appeared in print, this time in the Philadelphia Federal Gazette with his Remarks on the First Part of the Amendments to the Federal Constitution. [103] Probably the most comprehensive section-by-section exposition on the Bill of Rights to be published during its ratification period, Coxe's Remarks included the following:
As civil rulers, not having their duty to the people, duly before them, may attempt to tyrannize, and as the military forces which shall be occasionally raised to defend our country, might pervert their power to the injury of their fellow-citizens, the people are confirmed by the next article in their right to keep and bear their private arms. [104]
Coxe sent a copy of his essay to Madison along with a letter of the same date. [105] Madison wrote back acknowledging "Your favor of the 18th instant. The printed remarks inclosed in it are already I find in the Gazettes here New York ." [106] Madison added approvingly that ratification of the amendments "will however be greatly favored by explanatory strictures of a healing tendency, and is therefore already indebted to the co-operation of your pen." [107]
Madison apparently saw Coxe's defense of the amendments in the New York Packet the day before he wrote to Coxe. [108] The Coxe article also was displayed prominently on the first page of the July 4th celebration issue of the Massachusetts Centinel, [109] and was no doubt reprinted elsewhere. Just as Coxe had written energetically for the proposed Constitution, he now wrote with the same vigor for the proposed Bill of Rights. [110]
II. Coxe's Service in the Washington and Adams Administrations and the Election of 1800
In 1790, Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton appointed Coxe as the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, making him Hamilton's second in command. Two years later, and at Coxe's request, Hamilton made Coxe the Commissioner of the Revenue. [111]
As Commissioner of the Revenue, Coxe was in charge of the collection of all tax revenues, including the revenues from the Hamilton-inspired federal excise tax on distilled spirits, which prompted the 1794 Whiskey Rebellion in western *369Pennsylvania. [112] While there is no evidence that Coxe personally supported the tax-which bore unfairly on western farmers in general and on his state of Pennsylvania in particular (because farmers needed to distill their grain before taking it to market, in order to make it more compact and, thus, transportable)-Coxe strongly opposed the western Pennsylvania farmers taking up arms in protest against the excise tax. [113]
Critics of the individual rights interpretation of the Second Amendment sometimes claim that the Standard Model implies that people can go to war with the government whenever they disagree with any government decision, such as an unpopular tax increase. [114] Coxe refutes this claim. Coxe clearly believed in the individual right to arms, and he just as clearly believed that it was wrong for the Pennsylvania farmers to take up arms against a lawful tax that had been duly created through proper constitutional methods. [115] Coxe would continue to support the right to arms as a mechanism allowing popular revolt as a last resort against tyranny-but Coxe, like the vast majority of Americans, could tell the difference between a tyrant and George Washington. Today, when federal taxes are much higher than the taxes that sparked the Whiskey Rebellion, the vast majority of Americans, including those who support Coxe's understanding of the Second Amendment, agree that a tax constitutionally imposed by Congress is no grounds for a Second Amendment revolution to rescue the Constitution from tyranny.
While serving President Washington's administration, Coxe wrote a major book analyzing the future of the American economy: A View of the United States of America. [116] The book was a leading work of the time on commerce, industry, and agriculture, [117] and has earned a modern reprint because of its comprehensive and insightful examination of American economic development. Coxe was the first American economist to foresee the immense economic potential of cotton culture in *370the United States. [118] He also observed that "Manufactures of iron form a very increasing and useful branch ... including arms of various kinds." [119] He noted: "The Indian War and the renewal of our militia system has greatly revived the manufacture of arms." [120] Coxe argued that gunpowder already was being manufactured in several places more cheaply than it could be imported: [121] "The manufacture of gunpowder has advanced with the greatest rapidity to the point of desire in regard both to quantity and quality." [122] In an economic analysis written in 1789, Coxe urged moderate protection for a variety of essential domestic industries, including firearms and gunpowder, [123] but the industries apparently were improving without need for much protection. [124]
*371Coxe's growing alignment with Thomas Jefferson and other Republicans led to his dismissal from office by President John Adams in 1797. [125] Coxe then plunged into political activity supportive of the Republican cause, [126] adherents of which claimed to be suffering repression under the Sedition Act within a year. [127]
Coxe closely associated himself with the Philadelphia Aurora, the leading Jeffersonian newspaper of the time. [128] By mid-1799, according to accounts in this paper, armed conflict between Federalists and Republicans threatened. The Aurora published reports of bullying, weapons brandishing, and rioting by soldiers in the Federalist faction. [129] In retaliation, a mob of "federal savages" attacked and beat Aurora editor William Duane. [130] As a consequence of the mob's threat to destroy the press, "a number of republican citizens collected with arms and ammunition, continue to mount guard in the Printing-Office." [131]
The same issue of the Aurora which included this report, also included an article signed by Tench Coxe and an urgent appeal by "Mentor" addressed "To the Republican Citizens of Pennsylvania." [132] The article vividly expressed the premises upon which Republican doctrine rested:
But as men intent upon hostility have associated themselves in military corps, it becomes your duty to associate likewise-Arm and organize yourselves immediately .... *372Do you wish to preserve your rights? Arm yourselves-Do you desire to secure your dwellings? Arm yourselves-Do you wish your wives and daughters protected? Arm yourselves-Do you wish to be defended against assassins or the Bully Rocks of faction? Arm yourselves-Do you desire to assemble in security to consult for your own good or the good of your country? Arm yourselves.-To arms, to arms, and you may then sit down contented, each man under his own vine and his own fig-tree and have no one to make him afraid.... If you are desirous to counteract a design pregnant with misery and ruin, then arm yourselves; for in a firm, imposing and dignified attitude, will consist your own security and that of your families-To arms, then to arms. [133]
Subsequent issues of the Aurora charged that newspaper offices were being attacked around the country wherever Federalists were losing elections. [134] The paper portrayed the riot, the attack on Duane, and President Adams's dismissal of Tench Coxe as elements of a Federalist conspiracy to institute monarchy. [135] Finally, the Adams administration had Duane arrested for seditious libel for publishing a letter Adams (while Vice President) wrote to Coxe which admitted British influence in the government. [136] Duane was vindicated, and the Federalists were embarrassed, when he offered to produce the authentic letter. [137]
The Alien and Sedition Acts and other Federalist transgressions were not the only aspects of the administration of John Adams that the Republicans attacked in the election campaign of 1800. Tench Coxe and other supporters of Jefferson emphasized that the monarchical tendencies of Adams also were exemplified in his neglect of the militia and support for a standing army.
Writing "To the American People" under the pen-name "Humanus," Coxe decried "the substantiation of a hired army, and of rich armed townsmen and partymen, under the cloak of volunteers, for the general constitutional militia." [138] Coxe devoted an entire section of the lengthy article to the topic of " volunteers, liable to be passed through the Strainers of party, substituted for the constitutional Militia." [139] Coxe pointed out that just before the militia law of June 1797 expired, Congress passed the Act of May 28, 1798, "authorizing the President to accept any *373number of Volunteer Corps." [140] The subsequent Act of March 1799 limited the number of authorized volunteers to 75,000; still too large a number for Coxe. [141]
Coxe described Federalist objectives in these terms: "The proposed and ordinary arming and equipment of the militia, could thus, by law, be avoided, omitted, or postponed, and the same arms, accouterments, and cannon could be applied at the discretion of the Executive, to the equipment of those Volunteer Corps." [142] Thus, the constitutional militia of all the armed people would be superseded with the following inevitable result:
A well-armed Party-corps of 75,000 men, and tens of thousands of hired army, on the one hand; and a neglected, disused, and un-armed militia, on the other. The militia includes all the owners of all the property of the state, and are its sure defenders. [143]
Coxe enunciated similar sentiments in further articles, [144] and in a major series sought to demonstrate the alleged support of John Adams for a hereditary president. [145] While Coxe's analysis correctly stated the American preference for an *374armed people over a standing armed elite, it cited no specific writing of John Adams which denied the right of the people to keep and bear arms. To the contrary, Adams was, and would remain, a supporter of the private possession of arms and of a universal militia. [146
III. Arming the Militia: Coxe in the Jefferson and Madison Administration
Coxe had first met Thomas Jefferson in 1790, when introduced by Benjamin Rush. [147] Thereafter, Coxe served as an unofficial economic advisor to Jefferson, and helped the secretary of state prepare reports to Congress about America's international commerce. [148] Having written so assiduously on behalf of Jefferson in the 1800 election, Coxe began angling for a position in the Jefferson administration. [149] But Coxe did not succeed until 1803, when President Jefferson-at the recommendation of Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin, himself a former arms manufacturer [150]- appointed Coxe as purveyor of public supplies. [151]*375Coxe held the post through the rest of the Jefferson administration, and for the first four years of Madison administration, including the opening months of the War of 1812. [152]
Aside from political considerations of gratitude for Coxe's work in opposition to Adams in the election of 1800, the selection of Coxe as the head of military procurement stemmed from both his experience as a merchant and his political commitment to the militia as the defense of a free society. [153] Halving the size of the standing army and arming the militias were important objectives of the Jefferson administration. [154]
Even as Jefferson was attempting to shrink the standing army, the Napoleonic wars in Europe had created a constant foreign policy crisis for the United States. Under the Adams administration, the United States nearly had gone to war with France, and certainly would have done so if a hawk like Alexander Hamilton, rather than a steady statesman like John Adams, had been president. As purveyor of public supplies, Coxe was responsible for procuring arms for both the standing army and the militia during years when war and foreign invasion were a constant threat [155]-a threat that materialized in 1812. [156]
A. Coxe's Concept of Federal Arms Policy for the Militia
The arming of the militia was the subject of an opinion Coxe included in a letter written to President Jefferson in January 1807. [157] Coxe began by reviewing the militarization of Europe which stemmed from the struggle by hierarchies and aristocracies against revolutionary, late Napoleonic, France. [158] The republican principles that threatened European powers originated in America:
In the long course of stupendous events from the time of the meeting of the notables in 1788 [159] to the present day, the United States of America have been wonderfully preserved from actual war, and political and civil injury. But it is a manifest and solemn truth, that the vital principles of our constitutions were the incipient causes of these conflicts, and that they were unceasing objects of the fears, resentments, and hatreds of all the crowns, aristocracies, and hierarchies as well among the vanquished as the victors. [160]
It was "an immense collection of powerful military despotisms, covering the face of the transatlantic world" that threatened the infant states in America. [161] Yet, a potential invader would pay dearly in any attempt to subjugate the land, particularly if more stress was laid on arming the people:
Tis to implements of war that we should turn our attention, our exertions and our funds to ensure and complete our means of defense.
The free people of these states may be estimated at five millions. The men able to bear arms may be computed at one million. It is respectfully believed and it is most anxiously suggested that measures for the immediate acquisition by purchase, importation and manufacture of muskets, rifles and pistols to arm our one million of effective free men ... should be taken into consideration. [162]
*377Coxe went on to recommend that arms and/or funds should be offered to the more vulnerable states, to enable "our governments to arm every free man, who has personal rights or property to watch, maintain and defend." [163] This would deter any potential aggressor from attack:
To encounter a nation of 5 or 6 millions of armed free men ... would be a conflict unpromising of any kind or degree of real advantage .... In short, it is confidently believed, that completely armed-duly temperate-and reasonably just, we may rely, under Heaven, on the preservation of our accustomed peace, our liberty and our safety. [164]
Jefferson thanked Coxe for his useful ideas: "Your idea of providing as many arms as we have fighting men is undoubtedly a sound one." [165] It was a matter that should be impressed upon the Congress, which moved slowly, Jefferson thought.
[Only] the session before last I proposed to them ... that every man should receive a stand of arms [166] the first year he entered the militia. This would have required 20,000 stands a year and in a few years would have armed the whole besides the stock in the public arsenals .... [167]
The President believed that the measure would prevail eventually. Private and public manufacture could produce "40,000 stand of arms a year but they come so much dearer than the imported of equal quality." [168] In any event, the European governments were too busy fighting each other to invade republican America. [169] During the same period, Coxe published his Thoughts on the Subject of Naval Power, which further clarified the superiority of the militia over standing land and sea forces. [170] A primary objection to a large fleet was that impressment might be resorted to:
*378Will the seamen of the United States submit to a civil regimen in this case, like that of Great Britain? Will the rest of the people of this country consent to such an example of coercion and limitation of wages? ... It may be fairly and prudently asked, [w]hether a standing naval establishment is not liable to a large proportion of the objections to a standing army .... [171]
The second part of the same work stressed the superiority of the armed people over standing establishments for defense consistent with freedom. [172] In some respects, a naval power may be more difficult to check than a land force and, besides, would produce wars through foreign contacts:
When the United States determined to avoid the expenses and dangers of "a standing army," they found in the rights and habits of the chase and of arms, and in their universal militia, adequate and safe means of suppressing insurrection and repelling invasion. They did not desire an army for ambitious wars.... Even in the season of war we have believed, that a proper establishment of the militia will be indispensable to counterbalance the weight of the army. ... If we should create a powerful fleet, it will not be controllable by the militia, who never can have ships on their establishment. [173]
Here Coxe sounded a theme that already had been stated strongly in the Pennsylvania Constitution [174] by Pennsylvania Patriots during the Revolution, [175] and in the minority report from the Pennsylvania ratifying convention: [176] the close connection between "the rights and habits of the chase and of arms," and the "universal militia," as elements ensuring "adequate and safe means of suppressing insurrection and repelling invasion." [177] Coxe would develop the issue at much greater length later in his career, in his critiques of the British and French game laws. [178]
*379Not only would the lack of a strong navy decrease foreign friction and diminish the possibility of oppression, but properly armed citizens were fully capable of defending the ports:
It is submitted, therefore, whether if the 10 or 1,200,000 men, able to bear arms in the United States, were provided with depots of every useful and necessary species of arms from large cannon and heavy mortars to musquets, pistols, and swords, at and around our sea ports, they would not prove a more effectual bar to any considerable mischief in our ports, than the limited navy, which is so ardently desired. [179]
Coxe provided President Jefferson with his manuscript on naval policy, and the President replied: "I have read with great satisfaction your observations on the principles for equalizing the power of the different nations on the sea, and think them perfectly sound." [180]
B. Coxe's Role in Arming the Militias
In 1807 and 1808, Congress finally passed legislation to arm the militia, providing an annual appropriation "for the purpose of providing arms and military equipment for the whole body of the militia of the United States, either by purchase or manufacture." [181] The arms were to be transmitted to the states for distribution to *380their militias. [182] The federal armories in Springfield, Massachusetts, and Harper's Ferry, Virginia were not capable of meeting the production demands of Congress. [183] In administering the program, Coxe contracted with and made monetary advances to private arms manufacturers. [184] This system of government patronage greatly advanced the development of small arms making from a handicraft to a modern industry, in part by promoting the development of interchangeable parts. [185]
Today, critics of the Standard Model individual rights view of the Second Amendment sometimes point to government efforts to arm the militia, and argue that, because the government supplied some militia forces with arms, the right to keep and bear arms must not be a right of individuals. [186] But this view is incoherent on its face. Just because the government today gives people things to read, such as the vast output of books from the Government Printing Office, does not mean that individuals do not have a right to read other books of their own choosing. This principle would still be true even if the government ordered the people to read certain books considered essential to public service. [187]
Moreover, the anti-individual rights argument ignores the well-known distinction between "private arms" and "public arms." "Public arms" were supplied by the government to persons for public use-for militia service. Public arms might at some point have to be returned to the government. [188] "Private arms" were firearms (or *381swords) owned by individuals; individuals could use them for militia service, and a person with his own private arms would not need the charity of public arms. The distinction between the two types of arms was set forth in the 1823 Return of the Adjutant General of the enrolled militia in Pennsylvania, which contained an inventory of the supply of arms (of all types) available for militia use. [189] The editor of the Democratic Press described the Return in these words:
Our stock of Public Arms are respectable but it is still more gratifying to observe the number of Private Arms returned. There are no less than twelve thousand six hundred and seventy-eight Rifles reported as private property, and two thousand and thirty-eight public rifles .... Sharp Shooting, Good Marksmanship, is eminently a trait in the American Character .... [190]
Explaining the Second Amendment, Tench Coxe, the great purveyor of public arms, had written in 1789 that "the people are confirmed by the next article in their right to keep and bear their private arms." [191] Public arms certainly could help achieve the Second Amendment's goal of a well-regulated militia; depending on the wealth of the people of any given region, the number of public arms donated in order to supply the militia fully might exceed the number of private arms brought to militia service. The donation of public arms, however, hardly negated the right to keep and bear "private arms."
For Coxe, the 1808 Act was an ideal opportunity to use federal resources to help build a strong domestic firearms industry. Coxe's letters to Secretary of War William Eustis set forth the relation between the industry and an armed populace. [192] To defeat a standing army, a populace must be well armed: *382No part of Europe will permit us to obtain arms from them.... A general armament for the purpose of a general stand is a measure ... worthy of consideration. The omnipresence of the public force is the consequence of a general armament. The skill of modern regular armies require the mass of the population to be equipped for resisting the potent invaders of this time. [193]
Sales of arms to the public would not only arm them, but would also generate industry advances:
A decided tone, a good inspection, good patterns and in short much care, pains and vigilance are necessary to procure substantial Arms from public & private Armories. If sales to the Militia & private persons [&] to ships should at any time be desired and practicable, it would keep up the manufacture and enable us to improve the standard quality. [194]
Coxe proposed the sale of 10,000 muskets, rifles, pistols, and swords. [195] The Jeffersonian promotion of the firearms industry represented a return to the values of the Revolution, according to Coxe:
The manufacture of Arms was dormant at the time of the first operations for rifles, pistols and swords. Same had been since the War till the end of Adams' presidency. The private arms makers were generally discontinued for regular Military use. We had to revive them. [196]
In a circular to contracting gunsmiths, Coxe emphasized: "The importance of good arms is manifest.... The lives of our fellow citizens, to whom the use of them is committed, depend upon the excellence of their arms." [197] In his correspondence with manufacturers and inspectors, Coxe demonstrated great technical expertise in *383the design and manufacture of muskets, rifles, pistols, and swords. [198] But despite Coxe's expertise and dedication, the public arms program ran into trouble.
C. The Quality Controversy
Coxe's small office was overwhelmed by the procurement needs of the militia and the rapidly expanding standing army as tensions with Great Britain increased. Despite working seven days and nights a week, he still had to bring in his adult sons as unpaid assistants. [199] In 1810, Coxe fired the inspector in charge of quality control for the arms being acquired. [200] In a series of articles published in early 1811, Coxe's former Pennsylvania political associate, William Duane, charged that Purveyor Coxe had accepted large quantities of inferior firearms. [201] In his first article, Duane made the sweeping allegation "that arms we had seen, which had been manufactured for the MONEY (for we cannot say the use) of the United States, were better adapted to kill American soldiers into whose hands they should be put, than an enemy." [202] Coxe rejoined in the same issue, flatly denying the charges and noting that all arms were inspected prior to payment. [203] Besides, the purveyor was not an inspector:
It is impossible for the purveyor to be present at the inspections, which take place at various work shops, and public stores from Culpeper, in Virginia, to Exeter in New Hampshire .... There are probably sixty contractors, who have delivered arms .... [204]
*384In subsequent installments, Duane relied on averments of the former inspector who was discharged for incompetence. Duane claimed that some rifle barrels lacked grooves (rifling), had grooves only six inches down the barrel, or had grooves that were too shallow. [205] Some were made with unfit Dutch locks (firing systems), or had stocks filled with glue and sawdust. [206] There were Hessian or Hanoverian arms (German imports) which needed inspecting. "There were nine hundred pairs of pistols, but not one pair fit for public service." [207] Duane did not provide any further details. [208]
In a series of articles addressed To the Public, Coxe responded to "the late unfounded attack upon the public muskets and private manufacturers of of muskets for the United States." [209] The muskets, rifles, and pistols in question were the equivalent of any manufactured in this country. Coxe stated that, thanks to the federal procurement program, the number of private armorers had increased ten-fold in just a few years. [210] Now, " t he rifle and pistol makers were constantly sending in arms," much to the purveyor's dismay. [211] Coxe urged the appointment of a rifle inspector, "as there is not a pattern rifle, to govern the workmen as in the case of the pistol." [212]
In the second installment of To the Public, Coxe claimed that he upheld "a strict and rigorous inspection, according to my rifle and pistol contracts; also a minute inspection 'in all parts' viz.: The riffling, the breechpins, the interior of the locks, & c." [213] Coxe's knowledge of firearms was from the perspective of a merchant, not an inspector, but he defended his discharge of the unqualified inspector. [214] The purveyor denied "the passing of one bad stand of arms or pair of pistols, by him." [215]
In Coxe's third article, he answered the charge that the American muskets were adopted "to kill American soldiers" with the fact that not a single musket had been proven bad. [216] Further, "the present inspector in this department has given a recent opinion in favor of the American muskets." [217]
*385The fourth and final article of the series is filled with details about American pistol and rifle manufacture during that epoch. [218] The purveyor had encountered numerous problems in implementing the standardization of firearms among manufacturers. [219] In that article, Coxe listed some of the firearms makers from whom he had procured weapons; [220] most of whom were prominent manufacturers who produced both for state militia contracts and for the private market. [221] While defending his record, Coxe admitted the need for both technological and inspection improvements. [222]
*386Months passed without further public controversy, but at the end of 1811, Duane renewed "The Military Establishment" series. [223] Duane insinuated that in America there were those who placed "a military force before its enemy with saw dust cartridges or balls too large for the calibre, or with rifles without touchholes, [224] and without spiral grooves, and of which 8 out of 18 burst on the proof with powder only of 135, whilst the true proof should be of the standard of 150." [225]
Coxe retorted in early 1812 with a broadside To the Public, which was distributed in Congress. [226] Coxe defended the particulars of the situation, [227] and then *387Duane fired back. [228] Although Coxe responded, [229] he was not out of political trouble. Starting in 1810, his enemies in Congress, who were allies of Duane's faction in Pennsylvania Republican politics, had begun attempting to abolish the purveyorship. [230]
The Duane dispute quieted down, and Coxe continued the course of his work, soliciting "Home Made and Other Supplies," including "Muskets, Pistols, Rifles and Swords." [231] The outbreak of the War of 1812 in June of that year, however, occasioned a military reorganization, giving Coxe's congressional opponents the opportunity to eliminate the office of purveyor of public supplies by replacing it with a quartermaster's department. [232]
D. Coxe's Examination of the State of the American Firearms Industry
Despite relieving Coxe from the purveyor's office, the Madison administration continued to appreciate Coxe's talents. Madison appointed Coxe to the post of collector and supervisor of the revenue in Philadelphia. [233] Coxe eventually left this position for the larger salary of clerk of the Court of General Quarter Sessions for Philadelphia, a post he held until his retirement in 1818. [234] Coxe's most important contribution came at the request of Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin, who assigned Coxe to analyze the condition of industry in the republic. [235]
While concerned with economic development of all types, Coxe devoted some attention to the area of firearms. His Statement of the Arts and Manufacturers of the United States of America, transmitted by President Madison to the Congress in 1814, included discussion of the arms industry. [236] Under the topic "Defence," Coxe noted *388federal efforts both to restrain the export of arms [237] and to encourage their domestic manufacture. [238] In addition to the establishment of state and federal armories, contracts with monetary advances assisted the private manufacture of cannon, firearms, and swords. [239] Noting "very considerable attention to the repair and manufacture of arms" in the past twenty years, Coxe predicted "no irremovable obstacle to the manufacture of every species of arms ... of good qualities, and in sufficient quantities." [240] The tremendous progress in firearms and other military manufacture seemed to Coxe to be the greatest success story of American industry since 1775. [241]
In another part of the Statement, Coxe analyzed technological developments in the manufacture of cannon and muskets: [242] "Cannon are constantly manufactured, when demanded, to a very considerable extent, in the public armories of the nation, and of the States, and on contracts, and for sale to associations of citizens, and to individual purchasers, for use at home, or for exportation." [243] That cannon were marketed to the citizens is an interesting revelation given Coxe's prediction in 1787 that the armed populace would be more powerful than a standing army. [244] While noting improvements in the manufacture of small arms, Coxe advocated "a judicious and rigorous inspection" of military arms and pistols "to prevent deception, and its most evil consequences." [245] Perhaps William Duane had been right in his allegations concerning the poor quality of some contract arms. The problems with Coxe's public arms program illustrated, indirectly, the wisdom of the Second Amendment's protection of the possession of private arms as one means of arming the militia: A citizen buying a single firearm for his own use may be more likely to inspect the firearm in detail, and less likely to accept a poor quality firearm than a federal government inspector charged with inspecting hundreds of firearms. After all, the *389inspector would not be using the firearms to defend his own life. The quality control advantage of citizens obtaining private arms individually may have outweighed the standardization advantages of mass procurement of public arms. [246]
IV. Firearms, Game Laws, and Monarchy
Coxe retired in 1818 after having served three years as clerk of the Quarter Sessions in Philadelphia; he spent his remaining years as a writer. Coxe continued to correspond with Madison and his other political friends. [247] Jefferson, who had found Coxe's self-promotion to be offensively blunt while he was President, reconciled himself to Coxe's personality flaws, and lauded Coxe as "'a long tried public and personal friend' and 'a fellow laborer, indeed, in times never to be forgotten."' [248] Coxe also continued to write prolifically for public consumption, often on matters involving the right to bear arms. [249] During his retirement years, *390Coxe was energized particularly by his opposition to the presidential ambitions of John Quincy Adams and by Adams's support of restrictive European laws regarding gun ownership for hunting. [250] Coxe argued in detail that Adams's position undermined the entire right to keep and bear arms, and thereby threatened republican government. [251]
Coxe's first retirement writing about firearms was Considerations Respecting the Helots [252] of the United States, African and Indian, under the pen- name "A Democratic Federalist." [253] In the first installment, Coxe noted that Pennsylvania excluded free Blacks from "the right to enter militia and to partake of public arms," and that the states "deny them the use of the public arms." [254] In contrast with the term "private arms," which Coxe used in discussing the Second Amendment when it was proposed in 1789, [255] "public arms" meant arms supplied by and returnable to the state, such as the arms that Coxe had provided as purveyor of public supplies. In 1820, Pennsylvania did not prohibit free blacks from having private arms for personal use, but did prohibit them from using public arms which were issued to some members of the militia. While all free whites were militia members, public arms likely were issued either to those who could not afford them, or to groups that trained together and wished to have arms with a common bore. [256] In some states, free Blacks were entitled only to private arms, while in others-particularly in the South where the rights of free Blacks gradually were constricted during the antebellum years-to neither private nor public arms. [257] In the eighth installment of the series on the "Helots," Coxe noted the fears of the opponents of "the day when a million and a half of black people, generally in the state of the untutored Africans, were to be made free in power, election, arms, civil, and religious combination." [258] *391Abolitionist Coxe was quite accurate in recognizing the fears of opponents of civil rights for Blacks. In the Dred Scott case, [259] Chief Justice Taney insisted in the majority opinion that free Blacks could not be citizens because, if they were, they would have "the full liberty of speech in public and in private upon all subjects which a state's own citizens might speak; to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went." [260]
Coxe's last writings on the subject of the armed populace were his most extensive. Penned in opposition to John Quincy Adam's bid for election as president, Coxe's final testament revived a 1791 debate between John Quincy Adams and Thomas Paine. [261] A review of the 1791 debates about arms and game laws clarifies the context of Coxe's polemics of 1823.
One of the chief impediments to the dissolution of the monarchy in France in 1789 was centuries of weapons prohibitions. [262] In the 1791 bestseller, The Rights of Man, [263] which appeared when state legislatures still were debating the Bill of Rights in America, Thomas Paine described the situation just hours prior to the storming of the Bastille:
The event was to be freedom or slavery. On one side, an army of nearly thirty thousand men; on the other, an unarmed body of citizens; for the citizens of Paris, on whom the National Assembly must then immediately depend, were as unarmed and as undisciplined as the citizens of London are now. .... Arms they had none, nor scarcely anyone who knew the use of them; but desperate resolution, when every hope is at stake, supplies, for a while, the want of arms. Near where the Prince de Lambesc was drawn up, were large piles of stones collected for building the new bridge, and with these the people attacked the cavalry. ... The night was spent in providing themselves with every sort of weapon they could make or procure: Guns, swords, blacksmiths' hammers, carpenters' axes, iron crows, pikes, halberts, pitchforks, spits, clubs, etc., etc. [264]
*392The French people were victorious and quickly adopted a Declaration of Rights and a Constitution (although the people proved unable to maintain a stable and free government). As Paine noted, the new French republic's abolition of the game laws was the embodiment of free trade:
The French constitution says, there shall be no game laws, that the farmer on whose lands wild game shall be found (for it is by the produce of this lands they are fed) shall have a right to what he can take; that there shall be no monopolies of any kind-that all trade shall be free .... ... In England, game is made the property of those at whose expense it is not fed .... Is this freedom? [265]
John Quincy Adams attacked Paine's work in his anonymous Letters of Publicola, which defended the Constitution of England, including that nation's right "to establish a Government in hereditary succession" [266] and Parliament's right to enact game laws. [267] Adams severely castigated Paine's defense of the French Constitution, which placed beyond legislative control "universal freedom of the chase." [268] The letters originally were thought to have been penned by John Adams, who had defended the British Constitution in his Defence of the Constitutions [269] and Discourses on Davila, [270] the latter of which attacked the French Revolution. [271]
At last, in 1823, John Quincy Adams revealed his own authorship of the Letters of Publicola and renewed his criticism of "the inflammatory principles of Paine," whose works he called "worse than worthless." [272] Tench Coxe cited all of the above writings of the Adams and others as reflective of dangerous monarchical tendencies, which John Quincy Adams would represent if elected president. Under the pen-name "Sidney," Coxe also wrote an 1823 series entitled To the Friends of the Principles of the Constitution of the United States in the Philadelphia Democratic Press. [273] In *393this series, Coxe criticized monarchical sympathizers in America, with particular reference to John Quincy Adams, including Adams's views about the deprivation of arms in France and England. [274]
In pre-revolutionary France, Coxe recalled:
not only were the commons or people of the third estate deprived of the ownership, possession and use of arms, but they were bound to leave their farming works at the command of the lord, in order to surround forests, and to keep therein, game which their Lord was about to hunt for sport. [275]
Coxe noted that Thomas Paine, in The Rights of Man, had "commended the repeal of the system and provisions of the hunting laws which had debased the people of France below the beasts of the fields, [and] held the commons or third estate in the ignorance and privation or non-possession of arms." [276] Under the forest and game laws of England, continued Coxe, "the people, the body of the commons, the inefficient 199 two hundredth parts are deprived of the right to own, keep and use arms. It is, Blackstone says, 'a tyranny,' and a Fatal tyranny on the commons of England." [277]
Coxe depicted John Adams and John Quincy Adams as apologists of the French and English game laws and, thus, as "opposed to the Liberties of France, England and the United States, on the all important subject of the militia, and its precious emanation, our real volunteer companies." [278] Like the British dictator Oliver Cromwell, President John Adams had increased the regular army and sought to dispense with the militia. An unarmed people could mean a monarchy in America, Coxe concluded: "Without a free omnipresent constitutional militia army unstrangled by game laws, ... a president could be quickly authorized to continue for life, and the office could be made to run in the persons of his sons ...." [279]
In the next serial, "Sidney" faulted the Adamses for their defense of the British constitution:
We proceed from the total destruction or rather prevention of the right to own and keep and use arms and consequently of self-defense and of the public militia power or force, the army of the constitutions of the United States, stated in our last number, to the still more precious object of the right of conscience. [280]
*394For John Quincy Adams, charged Coxe, England's establishment of one church, coupled with "a deprivation of the ownership and use of arms, and other abuses of a like nature" were not sufficient to justify the calling of a convention by the people to change the British constitution. [281]
British impressment of sailors, which to Coxe was "personal, though not hereditary, slavery," was the subject of Coxe's following article. [282] "Coerced service" was anathema to American freedom, which instead depended on self-armed volunteers:
A western or southern volunteer militia officer or private, who had served, ... in the battles of Orleans ..., would illy brook the application to his person, of the British institution of sailors impressment, transferred into the constitution and practice of the United States, by the rapturous, or indiscriminate admirers and defenders of the constitution of England. [283]
Serving as secretary of state under President Monroe, John Quincy Adams stood on the traditional stepping-stone to the presidency-which Adams, in fact, would win in 1824-and so Coxe continued his anti-Adams articles. Written under the pen-name "Sherman," Coxe's most comprehensive analysis of the deprivation of the right to have and use arms was published as an address "To the People of the United States." [284] Again, the thrust of the article was the manner in which the game laws disarmed the commoners in England and France. [285] Coxe's purpose was to show the monarchical inclinations of John Quincy Adams in Adams' attacks on Thomas Paine.
Coxe began by reviewing the feudal oppressions of the rights of the chase in France, and Paine's praise for their abolition at the time of the revolution:
Mr. Paine's approbation of this humane, wise and liberal act (tho it is certain they put the right of the chase and of arms on nearly the same footing as ourselves in our constitutions) is among the specified grounds of Mr. Adams, junior, reply of 1791, to the rights of man .... [286]
*395Coxe then analyzed the impact of England's game laws in 1791:
No man of less freehold estate than about 433 Dollars per Annum may own, keep and use a gun or engine to kill any of the wild beasts or birds, called game, on his own land. It is easy to see, that this game law deprives the great body of the people of England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland of all knowledge in the construction, use, care and value of arms; unfits them for the militia, gives undue weight to the army, navy, ... and other legalized forces, and to the armed and privileged nobility and gentry. [287]
Coxe's belief that the game laws of England had been used to disarm the English populace was shared widely in America; statements to that effect can be found in the three leading constitutional law treatises of the antebellum era. [288] That view, while influential, was wrong. Most Englishmen could not hunt legally, but they could own guns legally for non-hunting purposes such as personal defense and target shooting. [289]
*396As Blackstone recognized, the game laws, which were meant to disarm the people, originated as part of a system of slavery: [290] "The Rustics or people of the country were every where in Europe forbidden by the German and Gothic invaders to carry arms." [291] So too, the ancient Britons, beset by successive conquerors, were "made and continued disarmed Serfs, Villeins or Slaves." [292]
The most despotic governments have, for these reasons, the most oppressive and cruel game laws. They are peculiarly opposite to the free spirit of such bodies as our American Constitution, the French National Assembly, and the courts of Spain, Portugal and their late American colonies. His own firearms are the second and better right hand of every freeman, and Mr. Adams, junior, has shown an utter disregard of them in this part of his reply to Mr. Paine.
So prudent, faithful and provident have our people and constitutions been, that we find in their precious bills of rights, schedules of duties, reasons of powers, and declarations recognizing the right to own, keep and use arms, provisions preventing and forbidding the legislatures to interfere with and to abrogate, that all important right of the citizens. [293]
Coxe continued, noting that Blackstone wrote that the English game laws were meant "to disarm the people" and resulted in "a Tyranny to the Commons." [294] Thus, Adams's opposition to Paine on the issue of game laws was tantamount to opposing Blackstone:
Why all this insensibility to the most odious and pernicious part of the regime of ancient tyranny by which the French unarmed people for many centuries were held in Chains. Why all this devotion to the ... British Constitution, by which that distinguished people have been held unarmed, since the kings and nobles of the Norman race rang the knell of their departed freedom in the sound of the curfew, sunk their liberties in a base oppressive villeinage, and riveted their chains by specious game laws, at once disarming them and tyrannously keeping the commons of England completely ignorant and helpless in arms. [295]
*397As had been his practice since the Constitution was debated in 1787, Coxe sent copies of the "Sidney" articles, and possibly the "Sherman" series, to Madison, and also to Jefferson with explanatory letters. His purpose was to show how the Adamses, both father and son, labored "to the same end; the setting up the British, and the undermining the principles and character of our Constitution." [296] Neither Madison nor Jefferson was interested in attempting to influence presidential politics in their retirement years; Jefferson's declining health left him able to reply to only a few correspondents and, thus, Madison conveyed to Coxe Jefferson's apology "that it hurt him much to leave unnoticed an old friend." [297] In the fall of 1823, Coxe was still sending his articles to Jefferson and Madison. [298]
Tench Coxe died on July 16, 1824, a few months before John Quincy Adams was elected president. [299] He predeceased his old friend, Thomas Jefferson, and his old foe, John Adams, by two years. [300] While John Quincy Adams was wrong in his underestimation of the pernicious effect of the European game laws, Coxe was wrong in his estimation of Adams, whose 1825-1829 presidency was untouched by any trace of monarchy.
Coxe's retirement writings provide further detail about the scope of the individual right which Coxe first had elucidated four decades earlier. The right was, of course, personal, for "His own firearms are the second and better right hand of every freeman." [301] The duty and the right of militia service, along with the possible use of public arms, belonged to the freeman; persons not exercising full civil rights, such as Blacks and Indians, did not possess the right. Conversely, when the slaves were one day free, they too would enjoy the full right to arms, like other civil rights.
In late twentieth-century analysis of the Second Amendment, it is not uncommon to attempt to break the right to arms into separate units: militia service, personal *398defense in the home, personal defense in public, defense against tyranny, hunting, and so forth. The attempt then is made to argue that only one unit, or only some units, comprise the real right to keep and bear arms, and that firearms ownership and possession for other purposes is outside the scope of the Second Amendment. At the most extreme, the argument is that the Second Amendment only protects the right to keep and bear arms for militia service, which is said to include only the National Guard. [302] Therefore, only a National Guardsman has a right to keep and bear arms and, even then, only when ordered to do so. In a less extreme version, the Second Amendment only addresses personal defense. [303] Thus, all citizens have a right to own guns, but none of them have a right to own guns useful for hunting but not for personal defense.
Coxe's writings show the error in the cafeteria approach to the Second Amendment: The right to hunt is integral to the right to own private arms; the right to private arms is an essential part of both "self-defense" and of the "public militia power." [304] To be deprived of arms is, in the long run, to be deprived of a meaningful role in the governance of the republic. While hunting might, at first, seem to have little to do with politics, there was a direct connection between anti-gun laws which affected a personal activity like hunting, and the advent of tyranny. Blackstone made exactly this point, as did each of the three major American constitutional treatise writers of antebellum America: Joseph Story, [305] William Rawle, [306] and St. George Tucker. [307] Coxe's views on the right to arms were thus securely within the mainstream of American legal theory.
Conclusion
Tench Coxe was the leading interpreter of the meaning of the right to keep and bear arms in the first four decades of the republic. His writings on the Constitution earned the approval of James Madison, and his services to the young American republic earned him important positions in the subcabinets of each of America's first four presidents.
As is typical in partisan editorializing, Coxe sometimes saw his own position clearly and failed to understand the complexity or the strength of his opponents' *399position. Arguing that the armed populace could always over-awe a standing army, he belittled the anti-federalists for demanding a bill of rights. Likewise, based on the sympathy of the Adamses for the British Constitution, Coxe accused them of opposing the militia and the right to keep and bear arms. Yet, John Adams explicitly endorsed the militia and the right to arms. [308] While John Quincy Adams and his father might have been wrong for defending the European game laws, neither Adams ever displayed the slightest hostility towards the American right to keep and bear arms.
Although the leaders of the early republic engaged in bitter partisan conflict, there was no disagreement on the value of the right to keep and bear arms in a free state. Coxe is recognized today as a leading expositor of federalist doctrine, and his subsequent career as a public servant and as a political writer supply depth and nuance to the original understanding of the right to keep and bear arms in the early republic. [309]
To Coxe and his contemporaries, the Second Amendment guaranteed the right of every freeman to own, possess, carry, and use rifles, muskets, pistols, and other firearms for self-defense, hunting, and militia purposes, including resistance to oppression. Private arms were constitutionally protected, although uniformity for militia purposes suggested the wisdom of governmental purchase and distribution of public arms to the general populace. The right could be injured by disarmament laws, by over-reliance on standing armies, and by game laws that prevented individuals from learning how to use arms. Given the centrality of the right to arms in a free state, the development of the American firearms manufacturing industry was worthy of national encouragement.
The individual right to keep and bear arms went unquestioned in the early republic, but no one championed it as vigorously over such a long span of public service as did Tench Coxe. The sentiments of the generations that built the Constitution and the new nation are summarized aptly by Coxe's words written in retirement: "His own firearms are the second and better right hand of every freeman ...." [310]
Endnotes
[a1]. Attorney at Law, Fairfax, Virginia. Philosophy Professor at Tuskegee Institute, Howard University, and George Mason University, 1972-1981. J.D., Georgetown University, 1978; Ph.D., Florida State University, 1972. Author of FREEDMEN, THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT, AND THE RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS, 1866- 1876 (1998); A RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS: STATE AND FEDERAL BILLS OF RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES (1989); THAT EVERY MAN BE ARMED: THE EVOLUTION OF A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT (1984).
[aa1]. Adjunct Professor of Law, New York University School of Law; Research Director, Independence Institute, Golden, Colorado, http://i2i.org; Associate Policy Analyst, Cato Institute, Washington, D.C.; J.D., University of Michigan Law School, 1985; B.A., Brown University, 1982. Author of SUPREME COURT GUN CASES (forthcoming 1999); GUNS: WHO SHOULD HAVE THEM? (1995); THE SAMURAI, THE MOUNTIE, AND THE COWBOY: SHOULD AMERICA ADOPT THE GUN CONTROLS OF OTHER DEMOCRACIES? (1992). The authors would like to thank Paul H. Blackman, Ronald K. Noble, John Reed, Eugene Volokh, and Timothy Wheeler for helpful comments.
[1]. See BENJAMIN J. SHIPMAN, HANDBOOK OF COMMON LAW PLEADING 25, 418 (3d ed. 1923).
[2]. The Second Amendment provides: "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. Const. amend. II.
[3]. See, e.g., HAROLD HUTCHESON, TENCH COXE: A STUDY IN AMERICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 196-97 (1938). As this Article discusses, his economic vision included what proved to be a very successful effort to develop the nascent American firearms industry. See infra notes 162-68 and accompanying text.
[4]. See JACOB E. COOKE, TENCH COXE AND THE EARLY REPUBLIC 286-88 (1978).
[5]. See id. at 109-31; e.g., "A Freeman" (Tench Coxe), Essays I-III, in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION: WRITINGS OF THE "OTHER" FEDERALISTS 1787-1788, at 88-101 (Colleen A. Sheehan & Gary L. McDowell eds., 1998) [hereinafter FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION]; "An American Citizen" (Tench Coxe), An Examination of the Constitution of the United States, in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra, at 459-76.
[6]. See, e.g., Camps Newfound/Owatonna, Inc. v. Town of Harrison, 520 U.S. 564, 629-30 (1997) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (citing Coxe's Annapolis Convention analysis of the barriers to interstate trade); Atascadero State Hosp. v. Scanlon, 473 U.S. 234, 273 n.24 (1985) (Brennan, J., dissenting); Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 731, 773 n.14 (1982) (White, J., dissenting) (citing a Coxe article on presidential immunity).
[7]. See generally FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5 (presenting a representative collection of writings by Coxe, Dickinson, Webster, and others explaining and supporting the Constitution). Coxe's papers are available to the public on microfilm. See LUCY FISHER WEST, GUIDE TO THE MICROFILM OF THE PAPERS OF TENCH COXE IN THE COXE FAMILY PAPERS AT THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA Reels 113-14 (1977) [hereinafter PAPERS OF TENCH COXE] (providing guidance through the extensive collection of papers).
[8]. See Glenn Harlan Reynolds, A Critical Guide to the Second Amendment, 62 TENN. L. REV. 461, 463 (1995).
Perhaps surprisingly, what distinguishes the Second Amendment scholarship from that relating to other constitutional rights, such as privacy or free speech, is that there appears to be far more agreement on the general outlines of Second Amendment theory than exists in those other areas. Indeed, there is sufficient consensus on many issues that one can properly speak of a "Standard Model" in Second Amendment theory, much as physicists and cosmologists speak of a "Standard Model" in terms of the creation and evolution of the Universe. In both cases, the agreement is not complete: within both Standard Models are parts that are subject to disagreement. But the overall framework for analysis, the questions regarded as being clearly resolved, and those regarded as still open, are all generally agreed upon. This is certainly the case with regard to Second Amendment scholarship.
Id.
[9]. The following articles that mention Coxe comprise about a third of the total of "Standard Model" articles published since 1980: Clayton E. Cramer & David B. Kopel, Shall Issue: The New Wave of Concealed Handgun Laws, 63 TENN. L. REV. 679 (1995); Anthony J. Dennis, Clearing the Smoke from the Right to Bear Arms and the Second Amendment,29 AKRON L. REV. 57 (1995); Robert Dowlut, The Right to Arms, 36 OKLA. L. REV. 65 (1983); Robert Dowlut & Janet A. Knoop, State Constitutions and the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, 7 OKLA. CITY U. L. REV. 177, 207 n.128 (1982); Frank Espohl, The Right to Carry Concealed Weapons for Self-defense, 22 S. ILL. U. L.J. 151 (1997); Stephen P. Halbrook, Encroachments of the Crown on the Liberty of the Subject: Pre-Revolutionary Origins of the Second Amendment, 15 U. DAYTON L. REV. 91, 121 (1989); Stephen P. Halbrook, Rationing Firearms Purchases And The Right to Keep Arms: Reflections on The Bills of Rights of Virginia, West Virginia, and The United States, 96 W. VA. L. REV. 1 (1993); Stephen P. Halbrook, Second-Class Citizenship and the Second Amendment in the District of Columbia, 5 GEO. MASON U. CIV. RTS. L.J. 105, 123 (1995); Stephen P. Halbrook, The Jurisprudence of the Second and Fourteenth Amendments, 4 GEO. MASON L. REV. 1 (1981); Stephen P. Halbrook, The Right of the People or the Power of the State: Bearing Arms, Arming Militias, and the Second Amendment, 26 VAL. U. L. REV. 131, 140 (1991); Stephen P. Halbrook, To Keep and Bear their Private Arms: The Adoption of the Second Amendment, 1787-1791, 10 N. KY. L. REV. 13, 17, 29-30 (1982); Stephen P. Halbrook, What the Framers Intended: A Linguistic Analysis of the Right to "Bear Arms," 49 L. & CONTEMP. PROBS. 151, 155-56 (1986) [hereinafter Halbrook, what the Framers Intended]; David Hardy, Armed Citizens, Citizen Armies: Toward a Jurisprudence of the Second Amendment, 9 HARV. J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 559, 609-10 (1986);;; Don B. Kates, Jr., Handgun Prohibition and the Original Meaning of the Second Amendment, 82 MICH. L. REV. 204 (1983); David B. Kopel, Lethal Laws, 15 N.Y.L. SCH. J. INT'L. & COMP. L. 355 (1995) (book review); Thomas B. McAffee & Michael J. Quinlan, Bringing Forward the Right to Keep and Bear Arms: Do Text, History, or Precedent Stand in the Way?, 75 N.C. L. REV. 781 (1997); David E. Murley, Private Enforcement of the Social Contract: Deshaney and the Second Amendment Right to Own Firearms, 36 DUQ. L. REV. 15 (1997); L.A. Powe, Jr., Guns, Words, and the Constitutional Interpretation, 38 WM. & MARY L. REV. 1311, 1354-55 (1997); Glenn Harlan Reynolds, A Critical Guide to the Second Amendment, 62 TENN. L. REV. 461, 467-68 (1995); Robert Shalhope, The Armed Citizen in the Early Republic, 49 LAW & CONTEMP. PROBS. 125 (1986); Thomas J. Walsh, The Limits and Possibilities of Gun Control, 23 CAP. U. L. REV. 639 (1994)... For a complete list of articles in the last decade adopting or contesting the Standard Model, see David B. Kopel, The Second Amendment in the Nineteenth Century, 1998 BYU L. REV. 1359, 1362 n.1 (1998).
[10]. See, e.g., George Anastaplo, Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, 23 Loy. U. Chi. L.J. 631 (1992); Carl T. Bogus, Race, Riots, and Guns, 66 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1365 (1993); Carl T. Bogus, The Hidden History of the Second Amendment, 31 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 309 (1998); Keith A. Ehrman & Dennis A. Henigan, The Second Amendment in the Twentieth Century: Have You Seen Your Militia Lately?, 15 U. Dayton L. Rev. 5 (1989); Samuel Fields, Guns, Crime and the Negligent Gun Owner, 10 N. Ky. L. Rev. (1982); Dennis A. Henigan, Arms, Anarchy and the Second Amendment, 26 Val. U. L. Rev. 107 (1991); Andrew D. Herz, Gun Crazy: Constitutional False Consciousness and the Dereliction of Dialogic Responsibility, 75 B.U. L. Rev. 57 (1995); John Dwight Ingram & Alison Ann Ray, The Right (?) To Keep and Bear Arms, 27 N.M. L. Rev. 491 (1997); Michael J. Palmiotto, The Misconception of the American Citizen's Right to Keep and Bear Arms, 4 J. Firearms & Pub. Pol'y 85 (1992); Warren Spannaus, State Firearms Regulation and the Second Amendment, 6 Hamline L. Rev. 383 (1983). The above list comprises virtually all of the anti-individual law review articles written about the Second Amendment since 1980. But see David C. Williams, The Militia Movement and Second Amendment Revolution: Conjuring with the People, 81 Cornell L. Rev. 879, 906 (1996) (citing Coxe for the proposition that the Founders intended the militia to be universal). Williams argues that because the government has failed to promote civic virtue through a universal militia, the Second Amendment right to bear arms has vanished. See David C. Williams, Civic Republicanism and the Citizen Militia: The Terrifying Second Amendment, 101 Yale L.J. 551 (1991); David C. Williams, The Unitary Second Amendment, 73 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 822 (1998). For a critique of Williams's argument, see Eugene Volokh, The Amazing Vanishing Second Amendment, 73 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 831 (1998).
[11]. Gary Wills, Why We Have No Right to Bear Arms, N.Y. REV. BOOKS, Sept. 21, 1995, at 62.
[13]. See Glenn Harlan Reynolds et al., To Keep and Bear Arms: An Exchange, N.Y. REV. BOOKS, Nov. 16, 1995, at 61, 62 (quoting "A Pennsylvanian" (Tench Coxe), FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), June 18, 1789, reprinted in THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT: A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS IN COMMENTARIES ON LIBERTY, FREE GOVERNMENT AND AN ARMED POPULACE, 1787-1792, at 670-72 (David E. Young ed., 1995) [hereinafter THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT]).
[14]. See Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (June 24, 1789), reprinted in 12 THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON 257 (Robert A. Rutland et al. eds., 1977) [hereinafter MADISON PAPERS]; infra notes 103-107 and accompanying text.
[15]. See Reynolds et al., supra note 13, at 64. Wills then called Reynolds's use of Coxe "plain false." Id. Wills's use of invective rather than reason was unfortunate, but probably would not have surprised Coxe. Just after the election of 1800, during which Coxe had written article after article in support of Thomas Jefferson's successful candidacy, the pro-Federalist Philadelphia Gazette ran a large-type headline-with no supporting text-which shrieked "TENCH COXE IS INSANE." PHILA. GAZETTE, Dec. 9, 1800, quoted in COOKE, supra note 3, at 381.
[16]. 2 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 488 (Allen Johnson ed., 1928).
[17]. See generally THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13 (including newspapers, pamphlets, records of public bodies, and other documents from the ratification period).
[18]. See Kopel, The Second Amendment in the Nineteenth Century, supra note 9.
[19]. See ALAN KORWIN & DAVID B. KOPEL, SUPREME COURT GUN CASES (forthcoming 1999); see also David B. Kopel, Communitarians, Neorepublicans, and Guns: Assessing the Case for Firearms Prohibition, 56 MD. L. REV. 438, 525- 41 (1997))) (discussing Supreme Court cases involving the Second Amendment).
[23]. See id. The Huguenots, having been disarmed by the French government, were being oppressed through the quartering of standing armies in their homes. Many of them were attempting to emigrate.
[26]. See DANIEL COXE, A DESCRIPTION OF THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF CAROLANA, BY THE SPANIARDS CALL'D FLORIDA, AND BY THE FRENCH LA LOUISIANE (London, Oliver Payne 1722); 4 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY, supra note 21, at 485.
[29]. See id. One of the Chief Justice's daughters, Margaret, married Benedict Arnold. See 17 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 116 (Dumas Malone ed., 1935).
[30]. See 18 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 545 (Dumas Malone ed., 1935).
[38]. Coxe's uncle by marriage, Chief Justice Edward Shippen, was a "moderate Loyalist." 17 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY, supra note 29, at 116. Coxe's counsin-once-removed, Benedict Arnold, was a Patriot general and then a traitor. See 1 DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 362-67 (Allen Johnson ed., 1928).
[41]. See Pa. Const. of 1776, art. I, § 13; id. at art. II, § 5; art. 3, § 43; see also generally Edward Dumbauld, 1 Am. J. Leg. Hist. 229 (1957) (noting that Pennsylvania protected a right to arms along with a right to hunt and fish because Pennsylvania usually was careful to preserve English constitutional precedent). Coxe's criticisms of John Quincy Adams, see infra notes 171-203 and accompanying text, follow the same reasoning as a 1776 Patriot article showing the connection between Britain's restrictive hunting laws and the disarmed British public's reliance on a standing army:
[T]he possession of hunting dogs, snares, nets, and other engines by unprivileged persons [in Britain], has been forbidden, and, under pretense of the last words, guns have been seized.... [T]his was not legal, as guns are not engines appropriated to kill game .... ... Thus ... the freeholders of moderate estates [are] deprived of a natural right. Nor is this all; the body of the people kept from the use of guns are utterly ignorant of the arms of modern war, and the kingdom effectually disarmed, except of the standing forces ....
Remarks on the Resolve, PA. EVENING POST, Nov. 5, 1776, at 2.
[42]. Howe's disarming policies were carried out by Joseph Galloway, a Pennsylvania Loyalist: Galloway was requested to recruit his staunchest supporters and assume responsibility for taking a census of the city. He was instructed to ... apprehend any residents suspected of being dangerous to the security of the city, and confiscate any weapons in their possession. He selected personal henchmen in every ward to conduct the survey and take the necessary action against the disaffected rebels. JOHN W. JACKSON, WITH THE BRITISH ARMY IN PHILADELPHIA, 1777-1778, at 20 (1979).
[43]. Philadelphia's Pennsylvania Evening Post reported that shots were first fired by the British in Lexington when militiamen refused to obey an officer's command, "Disperse, you rebels, D-N you, throw down your arms, and disperse ...." PA. EVENING POST, May 11, 1775, at 3. The opening of hostilities in the countryside provoked British General Gage to proclaim that the private citizens of Boston, even though not involved in any way, must deliver their arms to the authorities.
The Post reported that "[t]he Governor and gentlemen of Boston have agreed to open the town, on condition of the inhabitants delivering up their arms to the Selectmen." PA. EVENING POST, May 2, 1775, at 2. The writer added: "The Governor engages to protect the lives and property of such as choose to stay. Those who choose to quit the town, to go where they please ...." Id. After collecting the arms, Gage refused to allow the people to leave Boston. A writer reported from New London:
By the post, who left the head quarters at Roxbury, last Monday three o'clock P.M. we learn that only two persons have been permitted to come out of Boston that day, that no more of the inhabitants would be permitted to leave the town for the present; and that on the same day a town meeting was to be held in Boston, when the inhabitants were determined to demand the arms they had deposited in the hands of the Selectmen, or have liberty to leave the town.
PA. EVENING POST, May 20, 1775, at 3.
Meanwhile, British troops began plundering houses in Boston; and Gage proclaimed martial law, ordering the Patriots to lay down their arms. See PA. EVENING POST, May 25, 1775, at 2; PA. EVENING POST, June 24, 1775, at 2. The following is a typical Patriot's response:
What terms do you hold out in this gracious proclamation? ... Now, Sir, waving all that may be said of your hypocrisy, cruelty, villany, treachery, perfidy, falsehood, and inconsistency, are you not ashamed to throw out such an insult upon human understanding, as to bid people disarm themselves till you and your butchers murder and plunder them at pleasure! We well know you have orders to disarm us, and what the disposition of the framers of these orders is, if we may judge from the past, can be no secret.
E. Ludlow, To the Vilest Tool of the most profligate and tyrannical Administration that ever disgraced a Court.Inhuman Butcher!, PA. EVENING POST, June 27, 1775, at 1.
An editorial on Gage's proclamation stressed that an armed populace must keep government in check:
The opposing an arbitrary measure, or resisting an illegal force, is no more rebellion than to refuse obedience to a highway-man who demands your purse, or to fight a wild beast, that came to devour you. It is morally lawful, in all limited governments, to resist that force that wants political power, from the petty constable to the king.... They are rebels who arm against the constitution, not they who defend it by arms.
"A Freeman," PA. EVENING POST, June 27, 1775, at 2.
[45]. The society was the "first effective reform organization of its kind in the country." Id. at 92.
[46]. See id. "The bulk of the society's paperwork was handled by Coxe, who more than any other individual deserved credit for the accomplishments of the group." Id. at 93. Among the group's accomplishments were disseminating arguments against slavery to a national audience, assisting in the formation of anti-slavery societies in other states, providing free legal aid to free blacks in Pennsylvania and convincing the Pennsylvania Legislature to pass legislation so severely constricting slavery in Pennsylvania as to put it on the road to ultimate extinction. See id.
[47]. See id. Franklin also happened to be a very strong militia enthusiast. As a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, Franklin wrote the Militia Act of 1755. See An Act for the Better Ordering and Regulating Such as are Willing and Desirous to be United for Military Purposes in Pennsylvania (1755), reprinted in 3 THE WORKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 78 (Jared Sparks ed., Boston, Hilliard, Gray, & Co. 1837) [hereinafter THE WORKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN]. While the Assembly considered the bill, Franklin wrote a lengthy article touting the militia, which Franklin later credited for having made possible the bill's passage. See Benjamin Franklin, A Dialogue Between X, Y, & Z, Concerning the Present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania, reprinted in 3 THE WORKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, supra, at 84. After the Royal Governor vetoed a militia bill in 1764, Franklin wrote a scathing criticism of the governor's rationale. See "Veritas" (Benjamin Franklin), Remarks on a Particular Militia Bill Rejected by the Proprietor's Deputy, or Governor, Sept. 28, 1764, reprinted in 4 THE WORKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, supra, at 95.
[48]. See HUTCHESON, supra note 3, at 10-14; COOKE, supra note 4, at 96. In 1997, Justice Thomas cited Coxe's Annapolis convention analysis of the barriers to interstate trade. See Camps Newfound/Owatonna, Inc. v. Town of Harrison, 520 U.S. 564, 629-30 (1997) (Thomas, J., dissenting).
[50]. Letter from Richard Warick to Capt. John Stagg (Nov. 13, 1786), in PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 2, Reel 49, at 556. Subsequent correspondence indicated this contract was not fulfilled due to insufficient quantities with the same bore.
"A stand of arms consists of a musket, bayonet, cartridge-box and belt, with a sword. But for common soldiers a sword is not necessary." 1 NOAH WEBSTER, AN AMERICAN DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 13 (New York, S. Converse 9th ed. 1996) (1828).
Two decades later, Coxe, as the federal government's purveyor of public supplies, would make a major effort to standardize militia firearms.
[51]. Letter from Robert Hazlehurst to Harrison and Nichols (Nov. 14, 1786), in PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 49, at 569.
[52]. Letter from Clarke and Nightingale to Coxe and Fraizer (Nov. 16, 1786), in PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 49, at 581.
[53]. See TENCH COXE, AN ENQUIRY INTO THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH A COMMERCIAL SYSTEM FOR THE UNITED STATES SHOULD BE FOUNDED (Phila., Robert Aitken 1787).
[54]. See infra notes 147-246 and accompanying text.
[56]. See Edward C. Walterschied, To Promote Science and Useful Arts: The Background and Origin of the Intellectual Property Clause of the United States Constitution, 2 J. Intell. Prop. L., 1, 39-40 (1994).
[57]. See 2 THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 128 (M. Jensen ed., 1976) [hereinafter DOCUMENTARY HISTORY]. The convention ended on September 17, 1787.
[58]. Letter from Tench Coxe to James Madison (Sept. 27, 1787), reprinted in 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 251. See also An American Citizen I & II, PHILA. INDEP. GAZETTEER, Sept. 26, 28, 1787.
[59]. Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Oct. 1, 1787), reprinted in 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 251.
[61]. Atascadero State Hosp. v. Scanlon, 473 U.S. 234, 273 n.24 (1985) (Brennan, J., dissenting).
[62]. Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 731, 773 n.14 (1982) (White, J., dissenting). Another Supreme Court case in which Coxe figured-although as a character rather than a source of authority-involved his wife's inheritance from her father. See M'Ilvaine v. Coxe's Lessee, 8 U.S. (4 Cranch) 207 (1804), argued 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 280 (1802).
[64]. See FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5, at xiii-xvi, 88.
[65]. GARRY WILLS, THE FEDERALIST PAPERS BY ALEXANDER HAMILTON, JAMES MADISON, AND JOHN JAY viii (1982).
[66]. See Michael W. McConnell, The Origins and Historical Understanding of Free Exercise of Religion, 103 HARV. L. REV. 1409, 1443 (1990) (noting that Coxe wrote, consistently with Madison, that "'[m]ere toleration is a doctrine exploded by our general constitution"' (quoting Philip B. Kurland, The Origin of the Religious Clauses of the Constitution, 27 WM. & MARY L. REV. 839, 857 (1986))) (quoting TENCH COXE, A VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 103-04 (Phila. 1794)))); Michael W. McConnell, Tradition and Constitutionalism Before the Constitution, 98 U. ILL. L. REV. 17, 195 (1998).
[67]. See Herbert Hovenkamp, Judicial Restraint and Constitutional Federalism: The Supreme Court's Lopez and Seminole Tribe Decisions, 96 COLUM. L. REV. 2213, 2235 (1996). For some recent cites to Coxe, see Martin S. Flaherty, The Most Dangerous Branch, 105 YALE L.J. 1725, 1804, 1808 (1996); Jill Elaine Hasday, Federalism and the Family Reconstructed, 45 U.C.L.A. L. REV. 1297, 1320 n.95 (1998).
[68]. An American Citizen IV, PHILA. INDEP. GAZETTEER, Oct. 21, 1787, reprinted in 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 431, 433.
[70]. Id. at 435. It is interesting that the copy of the original 1787 edition of An Examination of the Constitution in the Jefferson Collection at the Library of Congress has this passage and no other marked at the margin, perhaps by the original reader, Thomas Jefferson. Former President Jefferson donated his personal library to the Library of Congress after the British burned the Library during the War of 1812. The first three installments of An Examination of the Constitution of the United States appeared in the Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer, on September 26, 28, and 29, 1788. Around October 21 of the same year, the publishing company of Hall and Sellers (publishers of the Pennsylvania Gazette) reprinted the first three essays together with Coxe's fourth essay. See FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5, at 459.
[71]. Letter from Tench Coxe to James Madison (Oct. 21, 1787), reprinted in 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 437.
[72]. Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Oct. 26, 1787), reprinted in 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 437. Madison also praised Coxe's address, "To the Inhabitants of the Western Counties of Pennsylvania," for presenting arguments "as well timed as they are judicious." HUTCHESON, supra note 3, at 74 (quoting Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (July 30, 1788), reprinted in 11 MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 210).
[73]. See 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 431.
[74]. See 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 5; Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Jan. 3, 1788), reprinted in 10 MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 349 (noting that Coxe's writings republished in Virginia "had a very valuable effect").
[75]. Coxe was by no means the only Pennsylvania federalist to make this argument. See, e.g., NOAH WEBSTER, AN EXAMINATION INTO THE LEADING PRINCIPLES OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION (Oct. 16, 1787), reprinted in PAMPHLETS ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, PUBLISHED DURING ITS DISCUSSION BY THE PEOPLE, 1787-1788, at 56 (Paul L. Ford ed., Da Capo Press 1968) (1888) [hereinafter PAMPHLETS].
Before a standing army can rule, the people must be disarmed; as they are in almost every kingdom in Europe. The supreme power in America cannot enforce unjust laws by the sword; because the whole body of the people are armed, and constitute a force superior to any band of regular troops that can be, on any pretence, raised in the United States.
Id.; see Foreign Spectator, PHILA. INDEP. GAZETTEER, Sept. 21, 1787, reprinted in 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 384 (Microform Supp.) (arguing that "even the power of a veteran army could not subdue a patriotic militia ten times its number"). See also A Supplement to the Essay on Federal Sentiments, PHILA. INDEP. GAZETTEER, Oct. 23, 1787, reprinted in 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 801 (Microform Supp.) ("The whole personal influence of the Congress, and their parricide army could never prevail over a hundred thousand men armed and disciplined, owners of the country ....").
[76]. 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 509.
[80]. Id. at 623-24. Criticizing the author of the minority report from the Pennsylvania ratifying convention for the federal Constitution, Gary Wills claims that the report's author erred by placing militia rights and hunting rights in the same proposed amendment. See Wills, supra note 14. But the Pennsylvania minority was, in fact, properly combining militias and hunting into a unitary arms guarantee, just as the 1776 Pennsylvania State Constitution had done. See supra notes 34-36 and accompanying text. Perhaps it is Wills, and not the Pennsylvania Founders, who is in error.
[81]. "Philanthropos" (Tench Coxe), To The People of the United States, PA. GAZETTE, Jan. 16, 1788, reprinted in 15 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 5, at 391-93.
[82]. Compare this line with James Harrington's The Commonwealth of Oceana, a major work of Whig political theory from the previous century: "The hand which holds this sword is the militia of a nation; and the militia of a nation is either an army in the field, or ready for the field upon occasion." James Harrington, The Commonwealth of Oceana (London 1656), reprinted in THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES HARRINGTON 170 (J.G.A. Pocock ed., 1977).
[83]. "A Pennsylvanian" (Tench Coxe), To The People of the United States, PA. GAZETTE, Feb. 20, 1788, at 2, reprinted in 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 1778-80 (Microform Supp.). Other installments are in PA. GAZETTE, Feb. 6, 13, 27, 1788.
[85]. The Federalist Papers were first published in New York City newspapers between October 27, 1787 and April 2, 1788. See 13 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 490.
[86]. THE FEDERALIST NO. 29, at 179 (Alexander Hamilton) (Isaac Kramnick ed., 1987). "Little more can reasonably be aimed at, with respect to the people at large, than to have them properly armed and equipped ...." Id. at 178-79.
[87]. Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Jan. 30, 1788), reprinted in 10 MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 445.
What goes by name of consolidation in Pena. is I suspect at the bottom of the opposition to the New Govt. almost every where; and I am glad to find you engaged in developing the subject. I inclose some papers [The Federalist Nos. 45 and 46] in which it has been taken up here, that if any hints are contained in them, they may be pursued in your enquiry.
Id.
[88]. THE FEDERALIST NO. 46, supra note 86, at 301 (James Madison).
[89]. Id. Madison added: "Notwithstanding the military establishments in the several kingdoms of Europe, which are carried as far as the public resources will bear, the governments are afraid to trust the people with arms." Id. Cf. WEBSTER, supra note 75 (noting that most people in Europe are disarmed, thereby allowing standing armies to rule).
[90]. Other Coxe writings in this period were published in newspapers in other states. For example, Madison distributed Coxe's "An American," Address to the Members of the Convention of Virginia, PA. GAZETTE, May 21, 28, 1788, in 3 AMERICAN MUSEUM 426-33, 544-48 (1788), in Virginia. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 121 & n.34. Anonymous Coxe articles also appeared in the Federal Gazette during 1788 to 1790. See id.
It is not known whether Coxe was "Philodemos," who wrote: "Every free man has a right to the use of the press, so he has to the use of his arms." PA. GAZETTE, May 7, 1788, reprinted in 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 2579 (Microform Supp.). A similar link of a free press and the use of arms appears in Coxe's observation that "the efforts of industry and genius in the German nation have been successfully applied to subjects of the most useful and curious nature, and among the several proofs of their disposition and capacity of such pursuits, are the invention of GUN-POWDER ... and that of TYPE- FOUNDING." "Philanthropos," To the Friends of Religion, Morality and Useful Knowledge, PA. GAZETTE, Aug. 6, 1788, at 2.
In a society in which "Gun-Smiths" marched in the July 4th parade, see PA. GAZETTE, July 9, 1788, at 3, the benefits of firearms in the hands of the public were undisputed. In one of the same issues in which "A Pennsylvanian" appeared, the editor lauded the role of citizens, "having armed themselves" with muskets, apprehending violent criminals: "Future villains may now see, however safe they may think themselves by being armed in the pines, that there are men who will brave the greatest danger to take them." PA. GAZETTE, Feb. 27, 1788, at 3.
[91]. TENCH COXE, AN EXAMINATION OF THE CONSTITUTION FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 18-19, in PAMPHLETS, supra note 75, at 147-48.
[93]. See "A Freeman" (Tench Coxe), To the Minority of the Convention of Pennsylvania, PA. GAZETTE, Jan. 23, 1788, reprinted in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5, at 92; "A Freeman" (Tench Coxe), To the Minority of the Convention of Pennsylvania, PA. GAZETTE (Phila.), Jan. 30, 1788, reprinted in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5, at 93. See also "An American Citizen" (Tench Coxe), An Examination of the Constitution of the United States (Phila., Hall & Sellers 1788), reprinted in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION, supra note 5, at 475 (noting that states, not the federal government, would control the appointment of various important posts, including "Officers of the Militia").
[94]. See 2 THE RECORDS OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION OF 1787, at 340-42 (M. Farrand ed., 1911) (describing Roger Sherman's opposition to a bill of rights at its initial proposition by George Mason).
[95]. See STEPHEN P. HALBROOK, THAT EVERY MAN BE ARMED: THE EVOLUTION OF A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT 68 (1984).
[96]. See, e.g., James Wilson, State House Speech (Oct. 6, 1787), in 2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, supra note 57, at 168 (arguing that, because Congress lacked an enumerated power to regulate the press, a proposed amendment guaranteeing freedom of the press would be superfluous).
[97]. See "An American Citizen" (Tench Coxe), Thoughts on the Subject of Amendments, PA. GAZETTE, Dec. 3, 10, 24, 31, 1788.
[99]. See THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at x1-x1ii.
[100]. 1 ANNALS OF CONG. 434 (Joseph Gales ed., 1834). As adopted, the following became the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution more concisely stated: "A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. Const. amend II. As to the deleted clause concerning the religiously scrupulous, see Coxe's undated manuscript on the invalidity of pacifist arguments against support for a militia in Papers of Tench Coxe, supra note 7, Reel 114, at 38.
[103]. See "A Pennsylvanian" (Tench Coxe), Remarks on the First Part of the Amendments to the Federal Constitution, FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), June 18, 1789, reprinted in THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at 670- 72.
[104]. Id. The amendments had been published in the issue of June 16, 1789. See FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), June 16, 1789, at 2. The first page of newspapers of the time normally was reserved for advertisements and official notices.
[105]. See Letter from Tench Coxe to James Madison (June 18, 1789), reprinted in 12 MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 239-40.
[106]. Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (June 24, 1789), reprinted in 12 MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 257.
[110]. Coxe thereby reversed his early stand that there was no need to list rights which Congress had no power to infringe:
It has been argued by many against a bill of rights, that the omission of some in making the detail would one day draw into question those that should not be particularized. It is therefore provided, that no inference of that kind shall be made, so as to diminish much less to alienate an ancient tho' unnoticed right, nor shall either of the branches of the Federal Government argue from such omission any increase or extension of their powers.
"A Pennsylvanian" (Tench Coxe), Remarks on the Second Part of the Amendments, FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), June 30, 1789, at 2, reprinted in THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at 674-76. As adopted, the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution provides: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." U.S. Const. amend. IX.
A review of subsequent issues in the above newspapers reveals agreement with Coxe's analysis that the Amendments guaranteed freedoms which Congress had no authority to infringe anyway. "One of the People" wrote, in the Federal Gazette, that "the very idea of a bill of rights" is "a dishonorable one to freemen." "One of the People," On a Bill of Rights, FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), July 2, 1789, reprinted in THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at 676-78.
What should we think of a gentlemen, who, upon hiring a waitingman, should say to him-"my friend, please take notice, before we come together, that I shall always claim the liberty of eating when and what I please, of fishing and hunting upon my own ground, of keeping as many horses and hounds as I can maintain, and of speaking and writing any sentiments upon all subjects."
Id. In short, as a mere servant, the government had no power to interfere with individual liberties in any manner absent a specific delegation: "[A] master reserves to himself ... every thing else which he has not committed to the care of those servants." Id.
[111]. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 242. As Commissioner of the Revenue, Coxe received what appeared to be an attempted bribe regarding the construction of a lighthouse off of Cape Hatteras in North Carolina. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 294-95. Coxe promptly reported the attempted bribe to Attorney General Ingersoll, and the case eventually made its way to the United States Supreme Court. See United States v. Worrall, 2 U.S. 384 (1798) (discussing venue for federal crimes). At the time Coxe rejected the bribe, he was "financially pressed" by the need to support his large family, as Coxe would be for most of the rest of his life. See HUTCHESON, supra note 3, at 41.
[113]. Coxe made his views known in a forcefully worded letter to Hugh Henry Brackenridge, a prominent author in western Pennsylvania (and a future chief justice of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court). See HUTCHESON, supra note 2, at 36 & n. 132. For more on the Whiskey Rebellion, see Gerald Carson, Watermelon Armies and Whiskey Boys, in RIOT, ROUT, AND TUMULT: READINGS IN AMERICAN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE 70 (Roger Lane & John J. Turner, Jr. eds., 1978).
[114]. See Henigan, supra note 10, at 110 ("[The Standard Model] amounts to the startling assertion of a generalized constitutional right of all citizens to engage in armed insurrection against their government.").
[115]. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 244 (noting Coxe's support for the principle of obedience to the law during the uprising).
[116]. TENCH COXE, A VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN A SERIES OF PAPERS WRITTEN AT VARIOUS TIMES, IN THE YEARS BETWEEN 1787 AND 1794 (Augustus M. Kelley ed., Bookseller 1965) (1794).
[118]. See HUTCHESON, supra note 3, at 143. Unfortunately, Coxe failed to foresee the impact that cotton cultivation would have on his hopes for the abolition of slavery. Focusing on some of Coxe's earlier writings, technology historian Leo Marx ranks Coxe as one of the greatest American political economists for daring to challenge "the whole body of respectable economic theory," which claimed that America never could become an important manufacturing nation. LEO MARX, MACHINE IN THE GARDEN: TECHNOLOGY AND THE PASTORAL IDEAL IN AMERICA 153 (1967)... Marx argues that Coxe was one of the very first to understand how America-with vast natural resources and a relatively small labor supply-enjoyed ideal conditions for the rapid development of technology. See id. at 153- 63.
[123]. See TENCH COXE, OBSERVATIONS ON THE AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, AND COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES IN A LETTER TO A MEMBER OF CONGRESS 32-33 (N.Y., Francis Childs & John Swaine 1789), cited in HUTCHESON, supra note 3, at 94.
[124]. See COXE, supra note 116, at 334 ("We have actually almost ceased to import ... gunpowder ...."). Coxe's book is loaded with economic data. Between October 1, 1790 and September 30, 1791, the United States exported 160 dozen muskets and 25,854 pounds of gunpowder. See id. at 406, 408. During the next fiscal year, the United States exported 42 dozen muskets, all from New York, plus 467 quarter casks for gunpowder from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. See id. at 415-16. In the 1792-1793 fiscal year, the United States exported 1,286 quarter casks of gun powder. See id. at 473.
Tariff schedules for imports were as follows: firearms not otherwise enumerated (starting on July 1, 1794) 15% ad valorum; gunpowder, free from May 22, 1794 until May 22, 1795, thereafter 10%; lead and musket ball, free for the same time as gunpowder, thereafter 1 cents per pound; muskets and fire locks ["fire lock" is an alternative term for "matchlock," a type of long gun in which the shooter ignites the gunpowder by lighting a match to a short fuse] with bayonets fitted to frame, free for the same time as gunpowder, thereafter 15%; muskets and fire locks without bayonets, 15%; pistols, free for the same period as gunpowder, thereafter 15%. See id. at 459-65.
One of Coxe's essays described how a model town might be built on the Susquehanna River, using money raised in a capital subscription. Among the economic units to be constructed in the town would be "Two boring and grinding mills for guns, scythes, sickles, &c." and "Two gun smith's shops." Id. at 390-91. Pointing to the vast tracts of unsettled forest land in the United States, Coxe suggested that they could be cleared speedily and settled by persons making, among other products, "gun-stocks and other military implements for the sea and land service." Id. at 450.
In an essay describing "the principal facts, which characterize the American people," with the intent to make America appear attractive to immigrants, Coxe on one page extolled the complete freedom of religion, and on the next page bragged that "[t]he production and manufactures of military supplies and articles, enable the United States to derive from their own resources, ships of war, gun-powder, cannon and musket-balls, shells and bombs, cannon and carriages, muskets, rifles and cutlasses ... holsters," and various other military equipment. Id. at 427, 438-39.
[125]. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 293-308. While out of federal office, Coxe served as secretary of the Pennsylvania Land Office. In that capacity, he did an outstanding job of protecting the rights of farmers and settlers against the illegal encroachments of speculators. See id. at 365-70; see also Holland Land Co. v. Coxe, 4 U.S. (4 Dall.) 170 (1803) (discussing the legality of land claims rejected by Coxe in his capacity as secretary).
[128]. See id. at 344-45, see generally RICHARD N. ROSENFELD, AMERICAN AURORA: A DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN RETURNS: THE SUPPRESSED HISTORY OF OUR NATION'S BEGINNINGS AND THE HEROIC NEWSPAPER THAT TRIED TO REPORT IT (1998).
[144]. See, e.g., Coxe et al., To the Republican Citizens of the State of Pennsylvania, AURORA (Phila.), Sept. 27, 1800, at 2 ("It is greatly to be regretted, too, that so extensive an authority to levy regular troops relaxed the attention to the Militia, and (with the new and extensive plan of volunteers) tended to diminish the wholesome influence of that Constitutional force."); Tench Coxe, Address to the Citizens of the County of Lancaster, AURORA (Phila.), Sept. 18, 1800, at 3 (warning against the dangers of an army and a monarchy).
Coxe could have been the author, or at least agreed with the sentiments of an article signed "FACT" and entitled The Touchstone, No. II, AURORA (Phila.), Aug. 12, 1800, at 2, which argued:
With five millions of people America had a million of militia, a million of men able to bear arms. A foreigner, knowing of this grand constitutional mean of defence, would at once suppose that the President, as constitutional commander in Chief of the public force, had labored night and day to prepare the militia for the much talked of invasion by the French.
Id. The same author continued to report that Adams did nothing to check the army with the militia: "Mr. Adams before his Installation promised attention to the militia. 'A well regulated militia is necessary to the security of a FREE state,' says the fourth [proposed] Amendment of the Constitution." Id. In other nations, mercenaries conjoin "the people (when unarmed and undisciplined) to kick the Beam." Id. In other words, mercenaries have an advantage over unarmed citizens. The purse, the executive, and the sword "require a well regulated militia to counterbalance and check them." Id. See also Tench Coxe, Address to the Citizens of the County of Lancaster, AURORA (Phila.), Sept. 18, 1800, at 3 (echoing these arguments).
[145]. See "A Constitutionalist" (Tench Coxe), The Friends of the Constitution to the People of the United States, Nos. 1-7, AURORA (Phila.), Sept. 19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 30, 1800.
[146]. Coxe failed to address Adams's defense of the right to have and use arms for resistance to oppression and for individual self-defense. Compare Tench Coxe, The Friends of the Constitution to the People of the United States, AURORA (Phila.), Sept. 21, 1800, at 2, with 3 JOHN ADAMS, A DEFENCE OF THE CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 471-75 (Boston, Freeman 1983) (1787-1788). In A Defence of the Constitutions, Adams, troubled by Shays' Rebellion, argued for a system of government using checks and balances, in which no one force-not even the people-would have unrestrained power. One implementation of the checking principle was that there should be a universal militia; this popular force should not be under the command of the popular branch of government (the legislature), but under the sole command of the executive. Adams described "arms in the hands of citizens, to be used at individual discretion" only for "private self-defence" as consistent with good government, but mass use of arms when not under executive control as destructive of government. See id.
[147]. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 158. Coxe met Rush through their mutual work in the Pennsylvania anti-slavery society. See id. at 92-93.
[149]. While Jefferson was at first inclined to give Coxe a job, the presumptuous tone of Coxe's office-seeking letters alienated Jefferson. See id. at 392-99. Although the two men resumed a professional relationship when Coxe joined the Jefferson administration, the relationship remained cool. See id. at 458.
[150]. See HENRY J. KAUFFMAN, THE PENNSYLVANIA-KENTUCKY RIFLE 82 (1960). Like Coxe, Gallatin considered the right to arms one of the many human rights protected by the Bill of Rights: "The whole of that Bill is a declaration of the right of the people at large or considered as individuals .... It establishes some rights of the individual as unalienable and which, consequently, no majority has a right to deprive them of." Letter from Albert Gallatin to Alexander Addison (Oct. 7, 1789) (on file with the New York Historical Society), quoted in HALBROOK, supra note 95, at 225 n.169.
[151]. Coxe's appointment was ironic. As Alexander Hamilton's Commissioner of Revenue, Coxe had been ordered to supervise the purchase of supplies for the Army and for the state militias involved in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion. Although Coxe continued to support strongly the crushing of the Pennsylvania insurrection, he resented Hamilton's giving him a task with considerably less policy influence than Coxe was used to. Hamilton's decision, and Coxe's angry reaction, led to the final break between Coxe and Hamilton; the relationship had been under strain due to Coxe's growing friendship with Thomas Jefferson, and Coxe's failure to accept that he was Hamilton's subordinate, not his equal. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 262-64. As a result of the conflict in the Treasury Department, Congress created the post of Purveyor of Public Supplies. The first person to serve in the job was Tench Francis (Coxe's grandfather); although Francis had built a distinguished record of public service, see supra notes 27-28 and accompanying text, he was past his prime, and unable to organize the purveyor's office efficiently. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 413.
[156]. President Madison was just as ardent as his predecessor in wanting an armed militia. In Madison's First Inaugural Address, he announced his goal "to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics-that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe." James Madison, First Inaugural Address (Mar. 4, 1809), in JAMES MADISON, 1751-1836, at 37 (Ian Elliot ed., 1969). In his Second Annual Message to Congress, Madison praised the armament program, and urged that training be increased:
These preparations for arming the militia having thus far provided for one of the objects contemplated by the power vested in Congress with respect to that great bulwark of the public safety, it is for their consideration whether further provisions are not requisite for the other contemplated objects of organization and discipline.
James Madison, Second Annual Message to Congress (Dec. 5, 1810), in JAMES MADISON, 1751-1836, supra, at 56.
[157]. See Letter from Tench Coxe to Thomas Jefferson (Jan. 1807), reprinted in JEFFERSON PAPERS (on file in the Library of Congress).
[165]. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Tench Coxe (Mar. 17, 1807), in JEFFERSON PAPERS, supra note 157.
[166]. "A stand of arms consists of a musket, bayonet, cartridge-box and belt, with a sword. But for common soldiers a sword is not necessary." 1 NOAH WEBSTER, AN AMERICAN DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 13 (New York, S. Converse 9th ed. 1996) (1828).
[167]. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Tench Coxe (Mar. 17, 1807), in JEFFERSON PAPERS, supra note 157.
[170]. See TENCH COXE, THOUGHTS ON THE SUBJECT OF NAVAL POWER IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: AND ON CERTAIN MEANS OF ENCOURAGING AND PROTECTING THEIR COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE (Phila. 1806).
[173]. TENCH COXE, THOUGHTS ON THE SUBJECT OF NAVAL POWER IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: AND ON CERTAIN MEANS OF ENCOURAGING AND PROTECTING THEIR COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE NO. II, at 1 (Phila. 1807). This also was published under pen-name "Pacificus" in the Philadelphia Democratic Press on May 29, 1807.
[174]. See supra notes 34-36 and accompanying text.
[175]. See supra notes 41-43 and accompanying text.
[176]. See supra notes 79-80 and accompanying text.
[178]. See infra notes 273-77, 284-95 and accompanying text.
[179]. COXE, supra note 173, at 2. Nos. III-VI were printed in the Philadelphia Democratic Press on June 1, 3, 5, 8, 1807. By the time of his 1807 articles on naval power, Coxe found, in a new periodical, an agreeable philosophical stance that would result in the periodical being the main outlet for expression of Coxe's views for the next decade and a half. John Binns, editor of the Philadelphia Democratic Press, formulated this stance in the first issues:
That every capable man in the Union should be armed and disciplined, so as to be ready to rise en mass, and hurl destruction on the foe who should dare to pollute our shores with hostile feet is a truth which it shall be the pride and pleasure of the Editor frequently to inculcate.
John Binns, To the Public, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Mar. 30, 1807, at 1. See also Defence of the Seaports, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Apr. 3, 1807, at 3 (supporting the "provision of the instruments, implements, and utensils of defence for the militia in their vicinity: Cannon, battering and field, iron and brass; ovens for heating balls; mortars and shells; horse artillery; muskets, rifles, pistols, swords and bayonets"); Standing Army, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), June 8, 1807, at 2 (advocating that the sword rules). That arms were to be handled only in a safe manner was implicit in such headlines as "Careless Use of Firearms-AGAIN," DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), May 25, 1807, at 2 (describing boys hunting in New York, and a half-cocked firearm discharging, killing a fourteen-year-old boy).
[180]. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Tench Coxe (Sept. 21, 1807), in JEFFERSON PAPERS, supra note 157.
[185]. See FELICIA DEYRUP, ARMS MAKERS OF THE CONNECTICUT VALLEY 33-46 (Vera Brown Holmes & Hans Kohn eds., 1948); S. N. D. NORTH & RALPH NORTH, SIMEON NORTH: FIRST OFFICIAL PISTOL MAKER OF THE UNITED STATES 73-77 (1913).
When Tench Coxe, at the close of the Revolution, turned his prophetic eye and his practical instinct to the manufacturing development of his country, he was thwarted in his efforts by the impossibility of obtaining the machinery with which to start the enterprises he had in mind.... Colonel North devised and worked out the principle of interchangeable parts .... He applied and developed it in the manufacture of pistols ....
Id. at 90-91.
Extensive information on Coxe's dealings with the firearms manufacturers is presented in 1 JAMES E. HICKS, NOTES ON UNITED STATES ORDNANCE 29-39 (1940).
[186]. See, e.g., Michael Bellesiles, The Origins of Gun Culture in the United States, 1760-1865, 83 J. Am. Hist. 425, 428-34, 454 (1996) (arguing that Madison formulated the Amendment as a political response to anti-federalists and attempted to deliver on his promise of a state- controlled militia supported by the federal government).
[187]. For example, Americans today are required to read the IRS Form 1040 and associated documents, or to pay someone else to read it for them.
[188]. While the proposed United States Constitution was debated, the government of Pennsylvania attempted to collect the public arms for cleaning and maintenance. A very large number of Pennsylvanians, however, refused to surrender their public arms even temporarily-fearing that the new federal government might be oppressive and that the Pennsylvania government might be attempting to prevent resistance to that government. See THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at 176, 191, 194, 200-01, 221, 226, 251, 286, 298, 334, 340 (reprinting letters and newspaper articles relating to the controversy from December 1787 to April 1788). For another discussion of public arms belonging to the government, see Minutes of the Executive Council of Georgia (May 28, 1784), reprinted in 2 THE REVOLUTIONARY RECORDS OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA 655 (Allen D. Candler ed., 1908) (ordering a private contractor to be paid for cleaning firearms, because, "the public arms, belonging to this State are much neglected, and, at present, in very bad order and condition").
[189]. See DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Mar. 8, 1823, at 2.
[191]. "A Pennsylvanian" (Tench Coxe), Remarks on the First Part of the Amendments to the Federal Constitution, FED. GAZETTE (Phila.), June 18, 1789, reprinted in THE ORIGIN OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT, supra note 13, at 670-72.
[195]. Letter from Tench Coxe to William Eustis (Mar. 3, 1810), reprinted in HICKS, supra note 185, at 28.
[196]. Letter from Tench Coxe to William Eustis (Nov. 10, 1810), reprinted in HICKS, supra note 185, at 29. But see John Adams, Speech to Both Houses of Congress (Nov. 22, 1800), in 9 THE WORKS OF JOHN ADAMS, SECOND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 146 (Boston, Little, Brown & Co., Charles Francis Adams ed., 1854) (supporting the domestic manufacture of arms); COXE, supra note 116, at 120 (claiming that the American arms industry was healthy during the Washington administration).
[197]. Tench Coxe, PURVEYOR'S OFFICE CIRCULAR, Dec. 9, 1808, quoted in AURORA (Phila.), Jan. 14, 1811, at 2.
[198]. See HICKS, supra note 185, at 17-39, 49-57, 88-106, 142.
[199]. See COOKE, supra note 4, at 480. Coxe's hard work on arms procurement did not lead to any personal financial gain on his part as an arms merchant. He was buying for the federal government, not selling to it and, thus, could not profit from the increased demand resulting from his militia program. If Coxe had remained at his trading company while someone else carried out the arms acquisitions, Coxe doubtless would have enjoyed some increased business, although arms were not a particularly large share of his total revenues.
[201]. See id. at 473. Duane and Coxe, having once been allies, had become bitter enemies as a result of a factional dispute in the Pennsylvania Republican party in 1804. See id. at 346-47. Duane's disagreements with Coxe were based on personalities, not policy. Like Coxe, Duane was a strong advocate of a popular militia, and a fierce opponent of permanent federal military establishments. See WILLIAM DUANE, EXPERIENCE: THE TEST OF GOVERNMENT 55 (Phila., William Duane 1807) (proposing amendments to the Pennsylvania Constitution to ensure that militia officers would be chosen by militiamen); WILIAM DUANE, POLITICS FOR AMERICAN FARMERS 8-10 (Phila., R.C. Weightman 1807) (condemning a large navy, and praising Coxe's essay on the subject).
[208]. The fourth and final number is in AURORA (Phila.), Jan. 19, 1811, at 2. While some of his charges appeared to have been based on rumor, Duane's expertise on the subject of firearms is clear. See WILLIAM DUANE, A MILITARY DICTIONARY (Phila., William Duane 1810); WILLIAM DUANE, THE AMERICAN MILITARY LIBRARY (Phila., William Duane 1809).
[209]. Tench Coxe, To the Public, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Jan. 19, 1811, at 2.
The want of a sufficient number of pattern pistols or indeed of one to guide each maker, and the want of even one pattern rifle, for the office, has produced much real difficulty .... The entire want of practice in military pistol making, ... the general habits of using German and other imported locks for rifles and pistols, prevailing among the armourers, and the great difficulty, which the late Secretary found ... to refuse permission to use such locks as the two German locks and the pistol locks of Lancaster, which the purveyor submitted to him, will be remembered and considered.
Tench Coxe, To the Public, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Feb. 2, 1811, at 2.
[220]. See id. He received: (1) "200 pistol barrels" by Joseph Henry; (2) "The pair of pistols from Mr. Shuler, near Quaker Town with German locks, said to be improved here"; (3) "Military rifles, received from Lancaster, Pennsylvania ... by Henry DeHuff and Co. sometimes called Peter Gonter and Co. since the death of Mr. DeHuff; and by Abraham Henry, John Guest and Peter Brong and company"; and (4) the Indian rifles of J. Guest and Dickert ...." In addition, he noted: "The Proofs of musket barrels, and inspection of muskets, under the contracts of the Henry's, J. Miles, Nippes, Steinman and Winner, &c. in Pennsylvania and New Jersey will require early and effectual attention ..."; "The arms of Ginok (Hanoverian) require an early and complete cleaning ..."; and "Rifles and pistols made by A. Henry, J. Guest and P. Brong for army use, and of rifles made by J. Guest, for Indian use." See id.
[221]. See NORM FLAYDERMAN, GUIDE TO ANTIQUE AMERICAN FIREARMS AND THEIR VALUES (2d ed. 1980). Joseph Henry Contract Type Flintlock Pistols were made in Philadelphia from 1807-1808 as contract pistols and for private sale. See id. at 298-99. The John Shuler Contract Flintlock Pistol was made in Liverpool, Pennsylvania during the same period. See id. at 301. Henry DeHuff, Abraham Henry, Peter Brong, and Jacob Dickert, all of Lancaster, sold muskets to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania under a 1797 legislative act. See id. at 423-24. John Miles of Bordertown, N.J., and James Winner, Abraham Nippes, and John Steinman of Philadelphia produced the Model 1808 musket. See id. at 429. Miles also made various pistols in 58-64 caliber range in Philadelphia. See id. at 300. At times, John Guest of Lancaster made pistols using Sweitzer locks. See id. at 297, 301. For further information on DeHuff, A. Henry, Shuler, and J. Henry, see SAMUEL E. DYKE, THOUGHTS ON TH AMERICAN FLINTLOCK PISTOL 8, 20, 24 (1974). Most rifles and pistols were manufactured in Eastern Pennsylvania due to the settlement of gunsmiths from Central and Southern Europe there, and the concentration of mines and furnaces in the area. See id. at 7.
[222]. See DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Feb. 2, 1811, at 2.
It will be admitted by those who are acquainted with arms, that the manufacture of rifles and pistols, is little known except in the public armories, and excepting, as to rifles, in parts of one or two states.- Workman's skills and inspectoral judgment in these branches are rare. Perhaps we have not even settled good standards. If imperfections exist in the rifles and pistols, I am now well satisfied that some pronounce upon them, who have never inspected a score .... Sixteen hundred rifles and eleven hundred pistols, made before we had lock forgers and inspectors, though at low prices for the country and under "strict and rigorous" contracts, seem to be the sum of that matter. ... From some lessons of late experience and observation, I am inclined to believe, that there are few countries, if any, which have reached the principles of the right construction of a musket, a pistol and a rifle.
[224]. A "touch hole ... in early guns, before invention of the various lock or firing systems, [was] a hole or vent at the rear of the firearm which connected from the outside of the barrel to the chamber of the gun containing the powder charge." R.A. STEINDLER, THE FIREARMS DICTIONARY 257 (1970).
[225]. AURORA (Phila.), Dec. 21, 1811, at 2. Duane also made charges about supposedly inadequate uniforms purchased, and the rejection of a quantity of swords manufactured by a Richmond workman named Winner. See id. In the December 23, 1811 issue of the Aurora, Duane claimed that the purveyor discouraged American arms manufacture, resulting in the best workmen removing themselves to South America. See AURORA (Phila.), Dec. 23, 1811, at 2. The same article reiterates the allegation of "the admission of rifles without grooves or touchholes" and repeats a rumor "that when a demand was made for pistols, when an apprehension was entertained of a conflict in Florida, that these very pistols were ... totally unfit." Id.
[226]. See Tench Coxe, To the Public, Jan. 4, 1812, in PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 32, at 246-47.
[227]. See id. As to the swords, the purveyor "justly doubts the fitness of American steel," but in any case the swords were rejected by the inspector. Id. Certain German steel swords were also rejected. As to the German locks on some rifles, the secretary of war in Washington specifically approved them. Coxe reiterated that he was "a merchant and not a manufacturer" and, therefore, dependent on recommendations and directives by government officials and firearms specialists. Id. He added:
Much difficulty occurs in procuring standard patterns, and inspectors. The vastly greater failure of the state of Virginia in manufacturing arms, proves this.... I can safely appeal to the Secretary of War, in regard to my giving material aid to him in the improvement of pistols, swords and other matters ....
Id.
[228]. See AURORA (Phila.), Jan. 14, 17, 18, 1812, at 1. Duane concentrated on buttons received by the purveyor which supposedly were unfit. See id.
[229]. See Tench Coxe, To the Public, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Jan. 18, 1812, at 2. Coxe once again appealed "[t]o the [p]ublic," reiterating that the arms mentioned by Duane had passed inspection by two government officers. See id. He added that Duane overlooked the fact that Coxe was acting at the direction of the secretary of war: "I have procured the Calibre of the Harper's Ferry pattern pistol to be rejected by the present Secretary of War, on explicit military reasons and one of about twice the size adopted." Id.
[244]. See supra notes 68-72 and accompanying text. Whether cannon or other light artillery are within the scope of the "arms" whose private possession the Second Amendment protects is beyond the scope of this article. The published scholarship that examines the issue concludes that the Amendment, while protecting all (or almost all) types of firearms, does not protect artillery. See Halbrook, What the Framers Intended, supra note 9; Kates, supra note 9, at 258-61; Don B. Kates, Jr., The Second Amendment: A Dialogue, 49 L. & CONTEMP. PROBS. 148 (1986); Nelson Lund, The Past and Future of the Individual's Right to Arms, 31 GA. L. REV. 1, 41-46 (1996). Cannon were not regulated until 1968, and individuals now may possess them legally if registered with the federal government. See Gun Control Act of 1968, P.L. 90- 618, Title II, 82 Stat. 1213, 1227 (1968).
[246]. Of course, some citizens might not have paid attention to the quality of their firearm, and others might not have known enough to discern poor workmanship. But on the whole, it is reasonable to expect that, at the least, a large number of purchasers would pay careful attention when buying a product on which their lives would depend. Today, there are many people who buy firearms with little attention to quality, and many others who purchase with great attention to detail.
[247]. Madison and Coxe corresponded about the American economy and politics; Madison also wrote to President Monroe urging an appointment for Coxe's son. See Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Feb. 12, 1819), reprinted in 3 LETTERS AND OTHER WRITINGS OF JAMES MADISON, 1816-1828, at 116 (Phila., R. Worthington 1865) [hereinafter WRITINGS OF MADISON]; Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Mar. 20, 1820), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 170; Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Nov. 4, 1820), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 184; Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Feb. 21, 1823), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 301 ("I have forwarded the letters, with the printed papers, to Mr. Jefferson. I know well the respect which he, as well as myself, attaches to your communications."); Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Mar. 1, 1823), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 304.
Mr. Jefferson has just returned your two letters and papers. Supposing that I had yet to acknowledge them, he annexes a line requesting me to do it for him also; observing that it would hurt him much to leave unnoticed an old friend, and that the difficulty of using his pen with his crippled hand had compelled him to abandon writing but from the most urgent necessities.
Id.; Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Oct. 12, 1823), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 337; Letter of James Madison to Tench Coxe (Nov. 3, 1823), reprinted in WRITINGS OF MADISON, supra, at 341.
[248]. COOKE, supra note 4, at 521 (quoting Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Tench Coxe (Nov. 11, 1820)). Jefferson apparently retained so much interest in what Coxe had to say that Jefferson complained about Coxe's handwriting which, by 1823, had deteriorated so badly that Jefferson found reading it to be like "decomposing and recomposing ... hieroglyphics." JOHN MORTON BLUM, THE REPUBLICAN ROOSEVELT 142 (1952).
[252]. A "helot" was "[a] member of a class of serfs in ancient Sparta, intermediate in status between slaves and citizens." 1 THE NEW SHORTER OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY 1216 (3d ed. 1993).
[253]. "A Democratic Federalist" (Tench Coxe), Considerations Respecting the Helots of the United States, African and Indian, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Nov. 25, 1820, at 2.
[255]. See supra notes 103-04 and accompanying text.
[256]. See Letters from Tench Coxe, in HICKS, supra note 192, at 28, 31 (1940) (discussing the common bore and "public arms"). Firearms at that time were manufactured with many bore sizes and, consequently, bullets often were not interchangeable, a situation Coxe had sought to alleviate as purveyor of public supplies in respect to the public arms he obtained. See id.
[257]. See Clayton E. Cramer, The Racist Roots of Gun Control, 4 KAN J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 17 (1995).
[258]. DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Dec. 25, 1820, at 2.
[259]. Scott v. Sanford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1856), overruled by U.S. Const. amend. XIV.
[262]. See LEE KENNETT & JAMES LA VERNE ANDERSON, THE GUN IN AMERICA: THE ORIGINS OF A NATIONAL DILEMMA 11-16 (1973) (summarizing legislation in France from 1500-1789 that disarmed commoners).
[263]. THOMAS PAINE, THE RIGHTS OF MAN (J.M. Dent & Sons, Ltd. 1958) (1791).
[266]. "Publicola" (John Quincy Adams), Letters of Publicola II, reprinted in 1 WRITINGS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 70 (W.C. Ford ed., 1913).
[267]. See id. Publicola's main purpose was to support President Washington's policy of neutrality in the war between England and France, as opposed to the followers of Jefferson, who wanted the United States to side with France.
[272]. See John Quincy Adams, To the Freeholders of Washington, Wythe, Grayson, Russell, Tuzewell, Lee and Scott Counties, Virginia, RICHMOND ENQUIRER, Jan. 4, 1823, reprinted in 7 WRITINGS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 337-38 (W.C. Ford ed., 1917).
[273]. DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Jan. 16, 1823, at 2.
[284]. See "Sherman" (Tench Coxe), Manuscript for "To the People of the United States," in PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 113, at 713. The article was No. IX of a series with this title apparently published in the Democratic Press or in the Philadelphia Centinel and Mercantile Advertiser in 1823 or, possibly, 1824. The authors could not locate the issue in which the article appeared. (The pen-name "Sherman" appears in the Democratic Press, Dec. 24, 1823.)
[286]. Id. at 715. Coxe was not entirely accurate here. The 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen said nothing about hunting or the right to arms. See Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), reprinted in THE GREAT DOCUMENTS OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 192 (Milton Viorst ed., 1965). The 1789 Decree to Abolish the Feudal System said nothing about the right to arms but did establish comprehensively a right to hunt:
III. The exclusive right to hunt and to maintain uninclosed warrens is likewise abolished, and every landowner shall have the right to kill, or to have destroyed on his own land, all kinds of game, observing, however, such police regulations as may be established with a view to the safety of the public. All hunting capitaineries [preserves], including the royal forests, and all hunting rights under whatever denomination, are likewise abolished. Provision shall be made, however, in a manner compatible with the regard due to property and liberty, for maintaining the personal pleasures of the king. The president of the Assembly shall be commissioned to ask of the king the recall of those sent to the galleys or exiled, simply for violations of hunting regulations, as well as for the release of those at present imprisoned for offenses of this kind, and the dismissal of such cases as are now pending.
Decree to Abolish the Feudal System (1789), reprinted in THE GREAT DOCUMENTS OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION, supra, at 186-87.
[287]. PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 113, at 715.
[288]. See William Rawle, A View of the Constitution of the United States of America 125-26 (Da Capo Press 1970) (2d ed. 1829); 3 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States 747 (Da Capo Press 1970) (1833); 3 St. George Tucker, Blackstone's Commentaries with Notes of Reference to the Constitution and Laws of the Federal Government of the United States and the Commonwealth of Virginia 414 n.3 (The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. 1996) (1803).
[289]. HALBROOK, supra note 97, at 51-53; JOYCE LEE MALCOLM, THE RIGHT TO KEEP AND BEAR ARMS: THE ORIGINS OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN RIGHT 126-30 (1994).
[293]. Id. at 717. At the time Coxe wrote, Spain and Portugal were enjoying brief periods of constitutional liberalism, and the republican wars of independence in Latin American were all but victorious.
[296]. Letter from Tench Coxe to Thomas Jefferson and James Madison (Jan. 31, 1823), reprinted in MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 5-6. In a second letter to Jefferson and Madison written a day later, Coxe warned that "the times are most dangerous to the cause of liberty, religious and civil, in Europe, and since a total failure (by power, numbers, arms[,] and combination) there, will endanger us and our system, in the two Americas." Letter from Tench Coxe to Thomas Jefferson and James Madison (Feb. 1, 1823), reprinted in MADISON PAPERS, supra note 14, at 2. Coxe suggested that the circulation of the newspapers which published the above articles "in your parts of the country" would be useful in the coming presidential election. Id. at 3.
[297]. Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Mar. 1, 1823) (available in JAMES MADISON PAPERS (on file in the Library of Congress).
[298]. Letter from Tench Coxe to James Madison (Oct. 3, 1823) (available in JAMES MADISON PAPERS, supra note 297); Letter from James Madison to Tench Coxe (Oct. 12, Nov. 3, 1823) (available in JAMES MADISON PAPERS, supra note 297).
[300]. Adams and Jefferson both died on July 4, 1826, exactly fifty years after the Declaration of Independence.
[301]. See PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 113, at 716.
[302]. See Ehrlman & Henigan, supra note 10, at 57 ("[T]here is no substantial historical evidence for the claim that the second amendment guarantees an individual right to have arms for any purpose other than participation in a state-regulated militia.").
[303]. Cf. Patsone v. Pennsylvania, 232 U.S. 138, 143 (1914) (upholding a law depriving aliens of guns for hunting because the law did not affect arms for self-defense).
[304]. "Sidney" (Tench Coxe), To the Friends of the Principles of the Constitution, DEMOCRATIC PRESS (Phila.), Jan. 23, 1823, at 2.
[308]. See supra note 146 and accompanying text. In 1823, the same year Coxe attacked the Adamses for the last time, the senior Adams reaffirmed his commitment to a universal militia and his opposition to a select militia and standing army. See WILLIAM H. SUMNER, AN INQUIRY INTO THE IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITIA TO A FREE COMMONWEALTH; IN A LETTER FROM WILLIAM H. SUMNER TO JOHN ADAMS WITH HIS ANSWER 69-70 (Boston, Cummings & Hilliard 1823).
[309]. Coxe was, of course, not the equal of the men for whom he worked- Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison; his conduct at the start of the Revolution, his personality flaws and his partisanship ensured, despite his writing ability and his energy, that he would be in the second rank of the Founders, not the first.
[310]. See PAPERS OF TENCH COXE, supra note 7, Reel 113, at 716.
PLEASE GO HERE AND WATCH IT http://abcnews.go.com/nightline
As gun sales shoot up around the country, President-elect Barack Obama said Sunday that gun-owning Americans do not need to rush out and stock up before he is sworn in next month.
"I believe in common-sense gun safety laws, and I believe in the second amendment," Obama said at a news conference. "Lawful gun owners have nothing to fear. I said that throughout the campaign. I haven't indicated anything different during the transition. I think people can take me at my word."
But National Rifle Association spokesman Andrew Arulanandam said it's not Obama's words — but his legislative track record — that has gun-buyers flocking to the stores.
"Prior to his campaign for president, his record as a state legislator and as a U.S. Senator shows he voted for the most stringent forms of gun control, the most Draconian legislation, gun bans, ammunition bans and even an increase in federal excise taxes up to 500 percent for every gun and firearm sold," Arulanandam said.
Obama answered "yes" in 1996 to a questionnaire from an Illinois group on whether he supported a handgun ban. But he later said a staffer filled out that answer and he did not support a ban.
Nationally, background checks for gun purchases jumped nearly 49 percent during the week Obama was elected, compared with the same time period last year, according to the FBI's National Instant Background Check System.
Anecdotally, gun dealers around the country have reported spikes in sales. The Illinois State Rifle Association Reports gun sales for November were 38 percent higher than last year.
"We don't dispute [the gun sales hike] because the numbers from the federal system certainly confirm that there is increased activity out there. We just think it's a bit stupid," said Peter Hamm, spokesman for the Brady Campaign against Gun Violence.
"Anyone who thinks they need to rush out and buy a firearm clearly has not been paying attention to how quickly we make progress on this issue. We don't think these are first-time buyers. We think they are people who already have more than enough guns at their homes to protect themselves and are buying more."
Well, it’s already started. Heard anything about this??
Remember how Obama said that he wasn't going to take your guns? Well, it seems that his minions and allies in the anti-gun world have no problem with taking your ammo!
The bill that is being pushed in 18 states (including Illinois and Indiana) requires all ammunition to be encoded by the manufacture a data base of all ammunition sales. So they will know how much you buy and what calibers. Nobody can sell any ammunition after June 30, 2009 unless the ammunition is coded. Any privately held uncoded ammunition must be destroyed by July 1, 2011. (Including handloaded ammo.) They will also charge a .05 cent tax on every round so every box of ammo you buy will go up at least $2.50 or more!
If they can deprive you of ammo they do not need to take your gun!
This legislation is currently pending in 18 states: Alabama, Arizona, California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington.
It's late at night and you hear your front door being kicked in. What do you grab for to protect your home and family? A gun, one of mankind's best tools and inventions; cold sleek steel, brass, gunpowder and lead all together has never been so important until now.
There is a belief that guns kill people and we would have less violence without them. This is about the same as saying pencils make mistakes, not the writer. As bad as it sounds in an open and free society, there will be terrorist attacks both foreign and domestic. You simply cannot control everyone, nor can there be a policeman stationed on every block.
The Insurance Information Institute (www.iii.org) reported 42,642 automobile deaths in 2006. Should a ban be put on cars and driving? Maybe the roads are to blame. Instead of punishing individuals, the blame gets put on objects. Guns do not kill these people; people do. Humans have been killing each other from the beginning of our species and will continue to do so. Only the methods have changed.
Some children and adults learn about guns from video games and movies instead of legitimate teachers or parents. These methods of media give the viewer the impression that guns are toys and that life is not precious. I'm not saying to change the entertainment, but gun education needs to be taught to everyone in some form. Not only would this help stop accidental deaths, this would allow people to appreciate and respect guns and their abilities. Also, safety devices such as locks and safes need to be used when inexperienced people and children are in the house.
If the ability to defend one's life, liberty and property were removed, there would be no way of self-defense; more deaths of law-abiding citizens would follow. Criminals will still have firearms regardless of laws, why would they not carry guns when citizens are not allowed to? A ban on guns would just empower criminals over the American citizen.
The Nine Myths of Gun Control article at www.lizmichael.com says that there are about 35,000 gun-related deaths every year in America, and 2.5 million Americans use guns to protect themselves. Guns in the wrong hands can be disastrous, but in the right hands can save lives. Most Americans are law-abiding citizens; punishing the masses for the mistakes of few will not help protect Americans.
The Second Amendment says, "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." It is one of our rights to keep firearms; exercise that right.
In Illinois, one has to have a firearm owner's identification card, or FOID card. This can be printed off the Internet at the Illinois State Police Web site (isp.state.il.us).
Fill it out, include a photo of yourself in the letter and a check for $10 and in a few weeks you will receive your FOID card. You need to have a FOID card to buy ammunition and guns.
Guns do more than just provide a means of self-defense; they can be used for collecting, recreation and hunting. Guns are tools; it's up to the operator how they utilize that tool.
MIDLOTHIAN, Va. - When 10-year-old Austin Smith heard Barack Obama had been elected president, he had one question: Does this mean I won't get a new gun for Christmas?
That brought his mother, the camouflage-clad Rachel Smith, to Bob Moates Sports Shop on T! hursday, where she was picking out that special 20-gauge shotgun - one of at least five weapons she plans to buy before Obama takes office in January.
Like Smith, gun enthusiasts nationwide are stocking up on firearms out of fears that the combination of an Obama administration and a Democrat-dominated Congress will result in tough new gun laws.
"I think they're going to really try to crack down on guns and make it harder for people to try to purchase them," said Smith, 32, who taught all five of her children - ages 4 to 10 - to shoot because the family relies on game for food.
Last month, as an Obama win looked increasingly inevitable, there were 62,000 more background checks for gun purchases than in October 2007, a 25 percent increase. And they were up about 8 percent for the year as of Oct. 26, according to the FBI.
No data was available for gun purchases this week, but gun shops from suburban Virginia to the Rockies report record sales since Tuesday's election.
"They're scared to death of losing their rights," said David Hancock, manager of Bob Moates, where sales have nearly doubled in the past week and are up 15 percent for the year. On Election Day, salespeople were called in on their day off because of the crowd.
Obama has said he respects Americans' Second Amendment right to bear arms, but that he favors "common sense" gun laws. Gun rights advocates interpret that as meaning he'll at least enact curbs on ownership of assault and concealed weapons.
As a U.S. senator, Obama voted to leave gun-makers and dealers open to lawsuits; and as an Illinois state legislator, he supported a ban on semiautomatic weapons and tighter restrictions on all firearms.
Gun advocates take some solace in the current makeup of the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled 5-4 this summer to strike down the District of Columbia's 32-year ban on handguns. For now, gun rights supporters hold a narrow edge on the court, but Obama could appoint justices who would swing it the other way.
Franklin Gun Shop outside Nashville, Tenn., sold more than 70 guns on Tuesday, making it the biggest sales day since the shop opened eight years ago. Guns & Gear in Cheyenne, Wyo., also set a one-day sales record on Tuesday, only to break that mark on Wednesday.
Stewart Wallin, owner of Get Some Guns in the Salt Lake City suburb of Murray, Utah, said he sold nine assault weapons the day after Obama was elected. That same day, the gun store Cheaper Than Dirt! in Fort Worth, Texas, sold $101,000 worth of merchandise, shattering its single-day sales record, store owner DeWayne Irwin said.
One Georgia gun shop advertised an "Obama sale" on an outdoor sign, but the owner took it down after people complained that the shop appeared to be issuing a call to violence against the country's first Black leader.
The president of a Montana gun manufacturer stepped down last month after word that he supported Obama led to calls for a boycott of the company.
While Wayne LaPierre, executive vice president of the National Rifle Association, attributes some of the sales ! boom to the tanking economy, he thinks the Democratic sweep is the top reason why guns are suddenly a hot commodity.
"I don't think he'll be able to stand up to that anti-Second Amendment wing of the Democratic party that's just been spoiling for chance to ban America's guns," LaPierre said of Obama.
During the campaign, the NRA warned that Obama would be the "most antigun president in American history." And while Vice President-elect Joe Biden owns shotguns, he has supported a ban on assault weapons and has said private sellers at gun shows should be required to perform background checks.
But Mark Tushnet, a Harvard Law School professor who has written a book about the gun debate, said new firearms regulations will be a low priority for an Obama administration and Democratic Congress facing a global economic crisis and two wars.
"Maybe the gun-show loophole will be closed, but not much else," he said in an e-mail. "I'd be surprised, for example, if Congress enacted a new assault gun ban."
Paul Helmke, president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, said his organization will continue to press for what he calls "sensible" restrictions - background checks at gun shows, a ban on military-style assault weapons and cracking down on illegal gun trade. He believes he has the backing of the new administration on those issues, but any fears of a broader crackdown are unfounded.
"The one thing that they agree strongly with us on is that it's too easy for dangerous people to get guns in this country," Helmke said. "I guess if you're a dangerous person you might want to run out there ! and buy some more, but otherwise you should be OK."
PHILADELPHIA - October 9, 2008 - (WPVI) -- Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama spoke to Action News via satellite Thursday. Below are some of the topics he discussed with Matt O'Donnell.
Federal budget deficit
Matt O'Donnell: "Could you tell me if you are going to balance the federal budget in your first term as President?"
Barack Obama: "It is doubtful that anybody could balance the federal budget that is now half a trillion dollars a year, in the midst of what is likely to be an economic slowdown for at least the next several months. When John McCain or anybody says they can balance the federal budget by 2013, they're just not telling the truth.
Matt O'Donnell: "You have been in the U.S. Senate for nearly four years, your party has been in control of Congress for nearly two. Why didn't we see you, or your party leaders, stand up and raise the red flag and say 'There is an economic calamity just around the corner' before it happened?"
Barack Obama: "For one thing, I did. Two years ago I wrote Chairman Bernanke of the Fed and Secretary of the Treasury Paulson warning that, in fact, we had a crisis with the sub-prime lending market, and they needed to bring the stakeholders together and do something about it."
Matt O'Donnell: "Senator, why couldn't you get anyone to listen to you then?"
Barack Obama: "Well, because we have a President who's supposed to be the leader of this country and who has promoted over the last eight years the failed economic policies that have resulted in this mess."
War in Iraq
Matt O'Donnell: "Is claiming victory in Iraq something that is important to you as President?"
Barack Obama: "I'm less interested in the headlines. I'm more interested in the practical results. From my perspective, the practical result we need is a stable Iraq. One that is able to secure itself from terrorist infiltration, and that is an ally of the United States. We can accomplish that."
Gun control
Matt O'Donnell: "Some think more restrictive gun laws would prevent more violence or, at least, ease it. Others say the gun laws on the books aren't being enforced enough. Where do you stand on this issue?"
Barack Obama: "I'm a believer in the second amendment, I think that lawful gun owners are protected by our Constitution. But, I do think we can put in some common sense gun safety laws that will make a big difference."
See more of Matt O'Donnell's interview with Barack Obama on Actions News Friday morning starting at 5:00 a.m.
LEHIGH COUNTY, Pa. - October 8, 2008 (WPVI) -- Senator McCain and Governor Palin agreed to speak with us exclusively for five minutes - they ended up giving us nearly 10.
We began by asking them about the $700-billion bailout and bad banking.
Matt Executives with AIG were vacationing lavishly in California, having a grand time, as the government began the process of trying to bail the company out with taxpayer dollars, should those corporate executives and those like them be imprisoned for their actions?
Sen. McCain Oh, I don't know if they ought to be imprisoned because everybody has a right to a fair trial, but one of the things I insisted on when I came back to Washington was that taxpayers not pay for CEO salaries any more than the highest government official.
Matt Do you believe any of their behavior has been criminal?
Gov. Palin We'll find out, but, atrocious behavior, that is why we're thankful also for Senator McCain working so hard for reform. Remember a couple years ago, he was the one that led the charge in really ringing that warning bell with Fannie and Freddie.
Matt Are you saying that you really warned that there were some catastrophic times ahead if we didn't change things?
Sen. McCain Well, I and a number of other members of the Senate predicted exactly this, yes, and I'll give a copy of the letter we wrote. Because it was corruption. Because they were taking their money and they were the influence of the lobbyists, we all know that.
Matt Four Philadelphia police officers have been shot and killed in line of duty since May of 2006, city officials say the big problem is the availability of guns and the city wants to pass its own gun laws, stricter than those of the state, would you support a locality passing stricter gun laws than that of its state?
Gov. Palin Well, the city, the state, needs to keep the guns out of the hands of the bad guys, out of those who would not follow any law anyway even if you do add more laws on top of what's already there. I am a supporter of 2nd Amendment rights for those who are law-abiding citizens.
Matt Should Philadelphia be allowed to pass stricter gun laws than Pennsylvania itself?
Sen. McCain No, because 2nd Amendment rights are a right guaranteed by our constitution.
Also, McCain made a pledge about Social Security.
Sen. McCain No, I would not privatize Social Security, but I would allow young Americans to put some of their own money, just as they can today, into a retirement account.
Gov. Palin There's no presidential election cycle without the Democrat candidate coming into some of these states and putting the fear of God into us, especially, our esteemed elders' minds.
We also asked both candidates how they would define victory in Iraq, and we asked Governor Palin about some voters' concerns about her readiness to serve as vice president - or president.
Watch the video clips on the top of this page.
Once again, members of a guns-rights advocacy group are coming to City Hall, claiming their rights have been violated by the police.
The Virginia Citizens Defense League, a Northern Virginia-based group, said 100 or more of its members will descend upon Tuesday's City Council meeting to vent their displeasure, many with guns holstered to their hips.
The group is upset about a police confrontation involving a member carrying a weapon openly, which is legal in Virginia.
The group last came to the City Council in August 2007, when members protested the arrest of Chet Szymecki of Yorktown at Harborfest for openly carrying a gun. The charge was dropped; Szymecki has filed a federal suit against the city.
They also protested at that meeting about alleged harassment of Danladi Moore, a Peninsula resident who was stopped twice by police and questioned for openly carrying a gun shortly before the meeting.
The city paid Moore $10,000 in July to prevent what could have been long and costly litigation.
However, Moore said, he again was stopped, on Sept. 22, this time while attempting to ride a Hampton Roads Transit bus with a gun. Moore claims police took his gun, ordered him off a bus and threatened to arrest him before eventually giving the gun back and letting him go.
Chris Amos, police spokesman, said he couldn't respond to Moore's specific claims about his September run-in with officers.
"All I know is, we responded to a call for service," Amos said. "We are not at liberty to just refuse" to do so.
Amos said that after Moore's previous incidents, police leaders "sent a memo out in-house reasserting the rights citizens have to carry firearms in plain view." There hasn't been time to react to the latest incident, he said.
Philip Van Cleave, a Midlothian resident who heads the guns-rights group, said he believes Moore will sue the city over the latest incident.
"If Norfolk doesn't begin to get it right, Danladi may wind up owning a yacht or a castle somewhere," he said. "At some point, the people of Norfolk are going to get tired of their tax money being thrown away because the police are violating a basic right," he added.
City Council members acknowledged that the city may have erred, but they accused gun owners of being provocative.
Councilman W. Randy Wright has a concealed-weapons permit, has won awards for marksmanship and believes in gun rights, he said. Yet he said he is appalled by anyone who walks around with a gun in a holster.
"Walking around downtown with a gun on your hip, that's just somebody trying to get attention, somebody trying to embarrass the city," he said. "This is not Wyatt Earp in the wild, wild West. It's an urban city with lots of problems.
"It does absolutely nothing to further the rights of the Second Amendment."
Replied Van Cleave: "He's admitting the city has a lot of problems. That, in itself, is a reason to carry, because you may need to protect yourself."
Van Cleave said he wonders if the incident with Moore was racially motivated, as he is black.
Councilman Paul R. Riddick said that's ridiculous.
"When you see a guy standing downtown in front of a bank with a gun on, what would you expect the average policeman to do?" he said. "You'd expect him to find out what the hell is going on."
Riddick and other council members weren't aware of the financial settlement with Moore. "Before we issue another $10,000 check, we should go to the highest court in the land," he said.
Councilman Barclay C. Winn, who is a hunter, said the guns-rights group's actions are precisely why he won't joint the NRA - the powerful lobbyists the National Rifle Association.
"I believe in the right to bear arms," he said. "But I just don't understand why somebody feels the need to strap a gun on his side, knowing full well that people are going to be alarmed and upset. I don't understand why they have to be such big, bad macho men."
Van Cleave said this is not about being macho - it's about exercising a constitutional right.
"What the city of Norfolk is asking us to do is to give up one of our basic constitutional rights," he said. "Would you ask black citizens to sit in the back of the bus and shut up?"
Riddick left while Van Cleave's group spoke during last year's meeting, saying he didn't want to dignify the group by staying. The meeting was at times tense.
Riddick said he knows a way to ease the tension.
"We should call Bob's Gun Shop and have him deliver eight 9-millimeters to us," he said. "We'll keep them on our desk in case we need them."
Pilot writer Matthew Bowers contributed to this report.
The University of Michigan and University of Maryland
Oct. 1, 2008
Gun shows do not increase homicides or suicides
ANN ARBOR, Mich.—A new study finds no evidence that gun shows lead to substantial increases in either gun-related homicides or suicides.
The University of Michigan and University of Maryland study also shows that tighter regulation of gun shows does not appear to reduce the number of firearms-related deaths.
"We believe that this analysis makes an important contribution to understanding the influence of gun shows, the regulation of which is arguably the most active area of federal, state, and local firearms policy," said Brian Jacob, a professor at the University of Michigan's Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy.
"To our knowledge, this is the first study that directly examines the impact of gun shows on gun-related deaths."
Jacob wrote the study with co-authors Mark Duggan and Randi Hjalmarsson from the University of Maryland.
The researchers analyzed data from Texas and California, chosen because they are the nation's two most populated states, have large numbers of gun shows, and are at opposite ends of the spectrum regarding gun show regulation. California has some of the most aggressive gun show regulations, including background checks for all gun show purchasers and a 10-day waiting period to obtain the firearm. Texas has no similar regulations.
Data came from the dates and locations of more than 3,400 gun shows, and firearm-related deaths from 1994 to 2004. More than 105,000 homicides and suicides were reported in the two states during the 11-year period.
To determine the impact of gun shows, the authors traced the number of gun-related deaths in ZIP codes close to where gun shows took place, looking at how the number of deaths changed leading up to and following the shows. Researchers looked at the gun-related deaths in the weeks immediately after gun shows and actually found a small decline in the number of homicides following shows in Texas.
"The absence of gun show regulations does not increase the number of gun-related deaths as proponents of these regulations suggest," said Jacob, director of its Center for Local, State, and Urban Policy (CLOSUP).
The researchers offered two caveats to their analyses. The study focused on the geographic areas surrounding the gun shows, and would not capture the effect when weapons were transported more than 25 miles away. In addition, the data tracked the effects only up to four weeks after the gun shows, which would exclude later gun-related deaths.
Yesterday, Wal-Mart shocked the firearms industry with an announcement they were joining the Mayors Against Illegal Guns coalition in signing that organization's Responsible Firearms Retailer Partnership, a ten-point agreement calling for a variety of controls in the sale of firearms. Those controls range from videotaping all firearms transactions and making those records available to law enforcement to an internal tracking system that would "flag" potential firearms purchasers who had bought firearms from Wal-Mart subsequently used in the commission of a crime. While industry officials are reeling from what they call a "blindside", retail observers confide the decision could reflect an intent to eventually jettison the entire firearms category from Wal-Mart's product mix. In today's edition of The Outdoor Wire, editor Jim Shepherd takes an in-depth look at the decision, the response, and the possible implications of the decision. If you're not a subscriber to The Outdoor Wire, you can see today's edition by going to www.theoutdoorwire.com and clicking on today's date in the calendar on the right side of the page. While there, you might also want to sign up for your own subscription to The Outdoor Wire.
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PLEASE READ AND LET US KNOW HOW WE CAN HELP YOU
PA Right To Bear Arms M.Ruoss 129 Starr Rd Avondale Pa 19311 484-266-7353 Main Fax 484-206-4603
PLEASE READ AND JOIN THE GROUPS. HELP SAVE OUR RIGHTS !
INTRODUCED BY WILLIAMS, D. EVANS, GERBER, CALTAGIRONE, JAMES,
W. KELLER, MYERS, WHEATLEY, BISHOP, COHEN, CRUZ, CURRY,
FRANKEL, GALLOWAY, JOSEPHS, KIRKLAND, LEACH, M. O'BRIEN,
PASHINSKI AND ROEBUCK, JANUARY 30, 2007
REFERRED TO COMMITTEE ON JUDICIARY, JANUARY 30, 2007
AN ACT
1 Amending Title 18 (Crimes and Offenses) of the Pennsylvania
2 Consolidated Statutes, providing for registry for lost or
3 stolen firearms and for failure to report lost or stolen
4 firearm.
5 The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
6 hereby enacts as follows:
7 Section 1. Section 6111.1(b) of Title 18 of the Pennsylvania
8 Consolidated Statutes is amended by adding a paragraph to read:
9 § 6111.1. Pennsylvania State Police.
10 * * *
11 (b) Duty of Pennsylvania State Police.--
12 * * *
13 (5) The Pennsylvania State Police shall maintain a 14 registry of all firearms reported lost or stolen in this 15 Commonwealth. The registry shall contain, if available, the 16 manufacturer, model, caliber, serial number and any other 17 identifying information concerning any firearm reported lost 18 or stolen, as well as the name of the lawful owner of the
1 firearm. If a firearm is reported stolen to a local law 2 enforcement agency, that agency shall collect the required 3 information and shall submit it to the Pennsylvania State 4 Police within 24 hours. 5 * * *
6 Section 2. Section 6111.4 of Title 18 is amended to read:
7 § 6111.4. Registration of firearms.
8 Notwithstanding any section of this chapter to the contrary,
9 nothing in this chapter shall be construed to allow any
10 government or law enforcement agency or any agent thereof to
11 create, maintain or operate any registry of firearm ownership
12 within this Commonwealth, other than a registry of firearms 13 reported lost or stolen under section 6111.1(b)(5) (relating to 14 Pennsylvania State Police). For the purposes of this section
15 only, the term "firearm" shall include any weapon that is
16 designed to or may readily be converted to expel any projectile
17 by the action of an explosive or the frame or receiver of any
18 such weapon.
19 Section 3. Title 18 is amended by adding a section to read:
20 § 6127. Failure to report lost or stolen firearm and notice of 21 multiple purchase reporting. 22 (a) Offense defined.--A person who is the owner of a firearm 23 that is lost or stolen and who fails, within 24 hours after the 24 loss or theft is discovered, to report the loss or theft to an 25 appropriate local law enforcement official commits a summary 26 offense, punishable by a fine of up to $500. A person who is 27 found to intentionally fail to report a loss or theft commits a 28 misdemeanor of the first degree for a first offense and a felony 29 of the third degree for any subsequent offense. 30 (b) Duty to forward report to sheriff.--A local law
20070H0029B0054 - 2 -
1 enforcement official, or his designee, who receives a report 2 under subsection (a) shall forward a copy of the report to the 3 sheriff of the county in which the complainant or victim resides 4 within 24 hours. 5 (c) Order.--Notwithstanding any other penalty prescribed by 6 law, the court may enter an order prohibiting a person convicted 7 for a violation of this section from the purchase or any other 8 method of acquiring a firearm for a period of six months. An 9 order entered pursuant to this section shall be transmitted to 10 the Pennsylvania State Police within 24 hours. 11 Section 4. This act shall take effect in 60 days.
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Obama Misfires On Concealed Carry INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted 4/4/2008
Gun Control: Barack Obama says he won't take folks' guns away as long as they're hunters. But when the hunted are his constituents, well, that's different: He opposes concealed carry and the right to self-defense. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Read More: Election 2008 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- There's something about an election that brings out the sportsman in a Democratic presidential candidate. Recall John Kerry's sudden fondness for hunting four years ago.
And speaking in Idaho earlier this year, Barack Obama told the crowd, "We got a lot of hunters in the state of Illinois, and I have no intention of taking away folks' guns." Except he does. In a 1996 questionnaire, Obama wrote that he "supported banning the manufacture, sale and possession of handguns." He says now that the survey was filled out by an aide who misrepresented his views. Yet his record since then is consistent with that view. Never mind that Illinois and the other 49 states have a lot of two-legged predators.
Illinois resident Hale DeMar was prosecuted by the town of Wilmette for using a handgun to defend his home in 2003. Wilmette had imposed a ban on the possession of handguns, in effect making the town a gun-free zone.
To correct the situation, several Illinois state legislators introduced SB 2165 to protect the right of self-defense for residents like DeMar. Obama voted against the bill.
That self-defense bill protecting the right to bear arms for law-abiding citizens such as DeMar passed the Illinois state Senate and was enacted into law over the governor's veto (and Obama's opposition).
It's no surprise, then, that Sen. Obama has come out in opposition to concealed-carry laws. In anticipation of an April 16 debate in Philadelphia on the anniversary of the Virginia Tech shootings, Obama told the Pittsburgh Tribune: "I am not in favor of concealed weapons. I think that creates a potential atmosphere where more innocent people could (get shot during) altercations."
According to data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 65.7% of the U.S. population lives in the 39 right-to-carry states, and there's no indication such laws have turned our neighborhoods into the O.K. Corral. To the contrary, all the stats we've seen show a steep decline in murders and violent crimes after a state adopts a right-to-carry law.
Virginia is one of those states, but the only one who had the right to carry last April 16 was Seung-Hui Cho. He shot 32 people to death on a Virginia Tech campus that had declared itself gun-free.
One wonders if Cho would have even walked on campus with a gun if he knew his victims would be able to defend themselves. Or how the story would have been different had professor Liviu Librescu, a Holocaust survivor who lost his life barricading a classroom door so his students could escape, had been able to fire back.
On the subject of the total ban on gun ownership in the District of Columbia, a Second Amendment case before the U.S. Supreme Court, the Nov. 23 Chicago Tribune said Obama believes in the right of local communities to enact common sense laws to combat violence and save lives. Obama believes the D.C. handgun law is constitutional.
As pointed out by John Lott, senior research scientist at the University of Maryland, the D.C. murder rate fell three times faster than surrounding Maryland and Virginia in the five years before the 1977 ban, but rose nearly four times faster in the five years afterward. Since 1977, there has been only one year (1985) when the D.C. murder rate was lower than in 1976.
Obama's Web site says: "He will protect the rights of hunters and other law-abiding Americans to purchase, own, transport and use guns for the purposes of hunting and target shooting" (emphasis ours).
Not, apparently, for you to protect your wife and children.
Black legislators walk out of Pa. House, protesting absence of votes on gun control
9:11 a.m. ET,Thurs., Dec. 6, 2007
HARRISBURG, Pa. - Black lawmakers from the state's urban areas, frustrated in their efforts to get a vote on gun control measures, walked out of a House session in protest Wednesday.
A majority of members of the House Legislative Black Caucus, all Democrats, are from Philadelphia, where 369 people were killed this year through Monday. About 80 percent of the deaths involved handguns.
"It's time for our colleagues on both sides of the aisle to understand that this issue, when it comes to saving lives in our various districts, is extremely important to us," said Rep. Thaddeus Kirkland, the caucus chairman.
Sixteen lawmakers walked out, Kirkland said. They didn't plan to return Wednesday, he said, and it was unclear how long the walkout would last.
A spokesman for Majority Leader Bill DeWeese, a Democrat, declined to comment. Democrats control the House by a single vote.
Gun bills are always contentious in the Legislature, where many Democrats represent rural areas with strong hunting constituencies and the National Rifle Association has friends among both parties' leadership.
"I think there's no appetite to do what they want to do, as far as passing additional restrictions on firearms to deal with Philadelphia," NRA lobbyist John Hohenwarter said.
Monday 10 2007
Officials lead rally for gun control
HARRISBURG (AP) —Gov. Ed Rendell, standing alongside mayors and police officers from across Pennsylvania, urged action Monday on gun-control legislation that is stalled in the General Assembly.Rendell said polls indicate majorities of Pennsylvanians favor several proposals, including limiting handgun purchases to one per month and requiring owners to report whenever guns are lost or stolen.“No more ceremonies, no more resolutions,” Rendell said during a rally at the state Capitol. “It’s time to put your rear end on the line and be counted.”The governor defended the measures as being aimed at protecting police officers and said they are not detrimental to hunters or the state’s hunting and firearms tradition.National Rifle Association lobbyist John Hohenwarter called it “a made-for-TV rally” that obscured larger problems with Philadelphia’s impoverished schools, outstanding criminal warrants and police staffing.“You can put together any kind of push poll to get whatever result you want,” he said. “Evidently the polling is off when you have the majority of members of the General Assembly opposing those types of legislation.”The rally was organized by CeaseFire PA, a group backing stricter gun-control laws. Phil Goldsmith, the group’s president, said its supporters will not go away “until the General Assembly enacts changes in our handgun laws to make our communities safer.”Attending the rally were a few dozen uniformed police officers, state lawmakers drawn mostly from the Philadelphia and Pittsburgh areas and the mayors of Philadelphia, Allentown, Bethlehem, Carlisle, Pottsville and Wilkes-Barre.“This is not the ’40s and the ’50s or even the ’60s,” said Philadelphia Mayor John Street. “We are in a whole new century, and doesn’t it make sense that we should modernize our gun laws?”Gun legislation is about as politically sensitive as topics get in the General Assembly, where leaders of both parties are sympathetic to the NRA and many rank-and-file Democrats hail from regions where Second Amendment rights are closely guarded.
I WANT TO KEEP MY GUNS, IF YOU DONT THEN THAT IS UP TO YOU!
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Amendment II
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*** KEEP OUR RIGHTS ALIVE AND GOING *** Cell 484-266-7353 FAX 484-949-2980